Prof. Zheng Yongnian Fighting Corruption and China’s Second Political Revolution

Interesting article on China’s current anti-corruption campaign and what it all means by Zheng Yongnian. Zheng was born in Zhejiang, graduated from Beijing University, got a PhD in political science from Princeton and now teaches at Singapore National University. Wiki bio at


By Zheng Yongnian Fighting Corruption and China’s Second Political Revolution

– Singapore National University, East Asian Institute Chair

博主:朱民志  发表时间:2014-08-12 13:01:49

Corruption in China has now reached a scale that threatens the survival of both the Chinese Communist Party and the PRC state. People always talk about building institutions yet corruption is a product of institutions. Corruption is thus the result of the operation of current institutions – economic, political and administrative. If anti-corruption institutions are not in place, corruption cannot be stopped effectively, much less rooted out. In this sense, all countries will take an institutional approach to punishing corruption, preventing corruption, and establishing an honest government.

Yet China has been building institutions to fight corruption since the opening and reform policy began in 1978. China may well have more and larger scale systems to fight corruption than any other country. Every generation of Chinese Communist Party leadership and every PRC government have increased the number of institutions and mechanisms to fight corruption. So we need to the relation between anti-corruption campaigns and institution building and not simply expect the system to solve the problem of corruption.

In the overall strategy in China’s current anti-corruption campaign – first treat the symptoms and only then cure the disease — makes a great deal of political sense. In fact, corruption has become so serious that curing the disease would be difficult without treating the symptoms first. Every system is built by people and operated by people. Any institution, if it is built by corrupt people or operated by corrupt people, will turn a system that theoretically is well-designed to prevent corruption into a corrupt system. Since the 1980s, China has established many systems to fight corruption but many of the people who run these systems, and indeed the people fighting corruption, are corrupt themselves. Corruption flourishes as a result.

Looking at the problem from this perspective, we should not underestimate the effectiveness of anti-corruption campaigns. Where corruption runs deep, anti-corruption campaigns can help to create a better political situation. Only in an improved political situation will it be possible to build a system that can effectively fight and prevent corruption. The process would run like this: first run a campaign to clean up some particularly egregious corruption and create a good environment for institution building, then create a system and put mechanisms in place for opposing and preventing corruption that meets the needs of the day. Finally, use the institutions and mechanisms to guarantee honesty in government.

Corruption in China’s Communist Party Runs from the Top to the Bottom

Naturally the anti-corruption campaign should not be presented as just a political campaign. The current anti-corruption campaign, although it appears to resemble the anti-corruption campaigns of the past, has already broken the mold in at least three ways. First, this anti-corruption campaign is not a populist mass movement. In fact, the space allowed for a mass inspired bottom-up anti-corruption campaign through the Internet has been tightened very greatly. This is particularly evident when we reflect how in past years Chinese people spontaneously created anti-corruption by agitation on the internet. That had become almost the predominant type of anti-corruption campaign. But no more.

The present anti-corruption campaign, however, is a top-down anti-corruption campaign conducted within the Chinese Communist Party. Although enterprises are sometimes involved in specific cases, this campaign is aimed at Communist Party and government officials, and particularly at high-ranking officials. The concept of the anti-corruption campaign itself is not problematical; the issue is whether the campaign is conducted according to the law. Democratic countries also have anti-corruption campaigns. This campaign has tended to be put on a legal basis more than previous anti-corruption campaigns. In any institutional environment, corruption will tend to accumulate and so a campaign will be needed to clean things up. The format of the anti-corruption campaign does not necessarily conflict with rule by law as long as the anti-corruption campaign is conducted in the spirit of rule by law.

Building institutions to fight and prevent corruption is important. To judge by formal structures and their numbers, China has already has these. However, there is much room for improvement, particularly in the effectiveness and authoritativeness of these institutions. First of all, China has too many institutions for fighting and preventing corruption. The problem is that its internal mechanism is too diverse and scattered. The corruption prevention and fighting system is not an integrated whole and lacks coordination. Political responsibility is not defined clearly. The various institutions checkmate one another and shirk responsibility so that is a great deal of waste. This leaves a lot of space that creates opportunities for corrupt elements.

Up to the present, anti-corruption institutions have lacked authority. This has been a serious weakness since these campaigns were in the form of the ‘right hand fights corruption of the left hand’ and the ‘left hand prevents corruption in the right hand’. The same level of Party Committee or government would both be leading and be the object of anti-corruption campaigns. They would be in charge of preventing and fighting their own corruption. This kind of system design is bound to fail. A situation in which each level of Party Committee leads its own anti-corruption campaign creates a situation in which the Party Committee itself is the root of corruption. Allowing each level of Communist Party Committee to guide its own anti-corruption work is creating a situation like the old saying of the robbers who clumsily defend themselves by saying “The 300 taels of silver aren’t buried here!”

These two improvements – authority and higher levels inspect lower levels – have made the anti-corruption campaigns conducted since the 18th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party more vigorous and more effective than previous campaigns. First, the old problem that nobody is in charge of the anti-corruption campaign has been resolved. Now everyone in China knows who is in charge of anti-corruption work and to whom corruption should be reported. Moreover, this campaign has strengthened the authority of the Central Disciplinary and Inspection Commission of the Chinese Communist Party Central Committee. Today, we can see that that subordinate organizations of the Central Disciplinary Commission have been placed in anti-corruption organizations. Central Disciplinary and Inspection Commission personnel dispatched to all levels of the leading departments and commissions of the Central Committee and central government are in charge of anti-corruption work. Unlike in the past, the leading Party and government departments and commissions are no longer in charge of fighting their own corruption.

The system being implemented now is “manage the next lower level”. That is, anti-corruption work at the provincial level is being carried out by the Disciplinary and Inspection Commission of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party. This breaks with the old system in which each provincial committee did its own anti-corruption work. If it hadn’t been for these two changes in the system, it would be hard to imagine how officials at each level from the flies to the tigers could be investigated. After this anti-corruption campaign is over, these innovations need to be institutionalized and strengthened.

Even if these reforms should succeed, we should not overly idealize the importance of institutionalizing corruption prevention and anti-corruption work. We can’t pin all our hopes on it. International experience shows that honesty in government requires not just effective institutions and mechanisms for preventing and fighting corruption but also that they work together well. They also need to coordinate with other economic, social, administrative institutions and arrangements. How can China today, make all these institutions be made to work harmoniously together to fight corruption? This is a big systems engineering problem. Here we can only touch on a few aspects of it.

The reform of the economic system means eliminating the institutional foundations of the economic oligarchs. The third session of the 18th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party made “marketization” the goal of enterprise reform. Marketization means that enterprises operations will be transparent and open. Under the 1990s policy of “keeping the big state enterprises and selling off the smaller ones” big groups of state owned enterprises were organized. This was the correct policy direction but marketization was not achieved. The result has been that today these state-owned enterprises have turned into the family businesses of high officials. These businesses operate in a highly monopolistic fashion. They are very closed in both hiring and promotions.

The Closed Networks of State Enterprises

Take any Chinese state enterprise. You will easily discover that its management layers from top to bottom are filled with the relatives and friends of officials. An ordinary person, even if they are extraordinarily talented, has a hard time penetrating the networks of the state enterprises. The barriers between social classes in Chinese society are getting harder to penetrate. The closed nature of state enterprises is one reason for this. If the family business nature of state enterprises does not change, it will be very hard to make it more open.

In the economic realm, establishing a budgeting system is equally important for fighting corruption and promoting honesty in government. In recent years, establishing a budget system has been the precondition for any country to promote honesty in government. The budget is the blood of the government system. If you can control the blood flow, then you will be able to prevent and fight corruption. Therefore government needs to prove how every penny is spent. This makes it easy to understand why accounting, auditing and other work involving quantitative measures are among the most important professions in any developed country. From this perspective, today’s China has not yet developed a budgeting system in the modern sense.

In China, the so-called budget mostly is an indication of how fiscal resources have been politically and administratively allocated. In other words, how political and administrative power are used to get budget resources. The methods of allocating and actually distributing resources are not transparent. A Chinese leader can have astronomical budgetary resources at his disposal to an extent that is unimaginable in other modern countries. China has never developed a modern auditing system and so control of budgetary resources is done by political means. In the absence of a modern budget system, even the biggest anti-corruption campaign cannot be effective.

Reducing and controlling the power of officials is the way forward in administrative reform. “We need to confine power to a box”. If officials have too much power, it will be very hard to make a box for it. Even more important are reducing the official powers and the scope of authority of government officials. This means that government must delegate to lower levels the authority to make administrative approvals. Authority should be delegated to enterprises and to people in society. If much power is delegated to enterprises and people in society, that it will be much easier to put the authority of the government in a box.

Reforming society is just as important. Corruption is often the result of abuse of official power, seeking rents from power, or seeking special privileges. The various privileges that officials have in various fields need to be curtailed and controlled. But this no magic bullet. The experience of many countries shows that the socialization of “special privileges” is very important. Every citizen, including officials, should enjoy a good social security system. If not, official will constantly scheme to get special privileges for which they can collect rents. Civil servants need earn a rate of pay that can assure them a decent standard of living. If they don’t earn decent pay, then that will affect their motivation to do their jobs and make them create “hidden rules” that will enable them to extract rents in exchange for power.

This moment in China’s current political ecology now is an historic opportunity to fight corruption. It is also an historic opportunity to establish a system to prevent and to fight corruption. This is not merely because corruption has reached a serious extent but also because now a new generation of leaders is taking charge. If this new generation of leaders can fight corruption, there is no guarantee that the succeeding generation will do so as well. There is no excuse for the present generation of leaders to shirk their responsibilities.

Most important off all, Chinese politics is now at a turning point. If the current corrupt political ecology does not change, three kinds of bad consequences could result.

• First, the regime could gradually turn into a right-wing dictatorship as economic oligarchs become political oligarchs.
• Second, the regime could gradually turn to populism as it loses its basic legitimacy, the people rise up in revolt and a new revolutionary regime is created.
• Third, the regime could change into right wing populism as the political oligarchs and the economic oligarchs join forces just as they have in Ukraine today – one oligarch, one party, multiple political parties mobilizing their supporters in vicious fighting.

Naturally, different historical circumstances will produce different results or even a vicious cycle running through each of these possibilities.

Fighting corruption remains a long-term task. China needs to seize its opportunity to conduct a large scale and continuing anti-corruption movement and to build a new system of institutions that will prevent and fight corruption. If China succeeds, people will call it “China’s second political revolution”.

The author is the chair of the Singapore National University’s East Asian Institute
August 12, 2014 United Morning News



博主:朱民志  发表时间:2014-08-12 13:01:49

























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Reported, then Censored: Chinese Media on PRC Bank of China and Money Laundering

State Media: Bank of China Engages in Money Laundering
The state’s media, China Central Television (CCTV), reported that the Bank of China, one of the four major state banks, engages in money laundering. In violation of government control of cross-border fund transfers, it transfers large amounts of cash abroad for clients who plan to emigrate overseas.
“‘Regardless of where and how you get your money, we can help you get it out [of China].’ The staff from a Bank of China branch said that it does not matter how black or dishonorable the money is; the bank has a way to clean it and get it overseas safely.”
At a recent immigration expo in Beijing, an immigration agent explained that due to government control of fund transfers by individuals, one may be able to transfer up to $50,000 a year. In order to apply for investment immigration, one must transfer large amounts to accounts designated by foreign governments. To do that, one must go to the Bank of China. The Bank of China representative at the expo confirmed this information. “We help you convert such a large amount [of yuan] into foreign currencies and transfer it out in one transaction. That is the step we handle.” According to CCTV, the Bank of China charges its clients a 0.3 to 0.4 percent handling fee for these types of transfers.
Source: Xinhua, July 9, 2014

央视曝光中行造假洗黑钱 员工称多黑的钱都能洗白

2014年07月09日 13:26:57 来源:央视网 <!–我有话说–>





  银行走进移民会 外汇随便换













  突破管制 银行偷偷打通资金外流通道










  专家:银行不只是擦边球 涉嫌违法







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Yale University’s Finance Professor Chen Zhiwu on China’s Economy and Its Rule-by-Law Shortcomings

Yale University School of Management Finance professor   陈志武  Chen Zhiwu’s book 非理性亢奋 [Irrational Exuberance] 2nd ed published December 2010  discusses Chinese finance and its problems. He concludes that the lack of an independent judiciary and rule of law are serious shortcomings.  Professor Chen has a web page on the Yale School of Management website and a Chinese language blog at , a blog outside the firewall at and a micro blog which has 2.4 million “fans” following it at

The topics Chen addresses are familiar to undergraduate economists; the application of these ideas to analyzing the Chinese economy makes the book especially interesting.  Chen is clearly not one of those who believes in a special Chinese model that creates its own new economics as it goes along. Chen has written several other popular books on the Chinese economy including Why are Chinese Hard-working but Not Rich?

A hint of the contents can be seen from the chapters titles which include:

  • Is the Chinese stock market getting worse?
  • Irrational Exuberance — the world telecoms bust
  • The danger of a stock market bubble — explaining the US stock market crisis
  • Why does China’s economic future depend on press freedom?
  • A free media is an indispensable part of a market economy
  • A case study of the media and the market’s effectiveness in oversight of a company
  • From libel suits can be seen the legal difficulties of media speech
  • Class action suits are an effective way of protecting the rights of stockholders
  • How does the US handle the problem of insider trading?

Systematic economic critiques of the PRC system like Prof. Chen’s are apparently OK with the Party but not political critiques of the Charter o8 variety that fit in nicely with  Prof. Chen’s points. Prof. Chen, for example, says that the fact that Chinese cannot buy and sell land is a serious obstacle to individual Chinese building their wealth. If China followed Prof. Chen’s suggestions and adopted media freedom, free buying of selling of land, independent judiciary and rule of law implementing Liu Xiao*bo’s and Charter o8’s ideas would be far off.  Yet Liu Xiao*bo is in jail and Prof. Chen is welcome in China, gives lectures in China, and his books are published here. Ran Yun*fei told me last year that the difference between someone who is considered a dangerous dissident and someone considered fairly acceptable is not just their views, but their relationships with the powerful and influential in society. Perhaps there is something like that going on here? Or could it be there is some version of Senator Barry Goldwater’s old slogan “In your heart, you know he’s right?”. It didn’t work for Liu though.

Perhaps Chen’s critiques are seen as merely academic (although the book is well-written and organized and seems to attract many readers — students are passing around PDF copies online; Currency Wars did well despite is 5th rate sources such a just because there is a great demand for well written books on economics and finance. ) and not subversive. SASS scholar Yu Jianrong 于建嵘 is another example of a person who makes sharp criticisms of the system but still seems to be seen as not an enemy of the people by the Party, and at most a source of contradictions among the people. That is, in the political system of the people’s democratic dictatorship.

Many websites carry the 2008 edition of Chen Zhiwu’s book; the 2010 edition that I bought in a Chongqing bookstore I also found on

Prof. Chen traces the effects of lack of transparency due to an ineffective regulatory system, unwillingness of the courts to take up lawsuits on financial cases (he notes courts will generally only take a civil suit if a company has already lost a criminal case), orders by the propaganda department to media not to report a certain matter or to report it in a certain way.  This means that investors have little reliable information and make it hard to choose between good companies and bad companies, and increase the temptation of companies to cheat their investors. He mentions Economics Nobelist George Akerlof’s work on adverse selection here.

[This discussion of little investor information to choose between good and bad companies on the securities market because of media control and poor regulators and ineffective courts reminds me of the problem China has suppressing crazy rumors that spread quickly and find many believers.  A bit of a stretch, but perhaps there is a similar process going on in society with high media control and low trust --- an adverse selection process going on against accurate information since the authorities have low credibility and have a history of discouraging people from speaking out, especially if the "accurate information" conflicts with officially certified accurate information.]

One effect he notes is that on average in any given week the number of stocks that move together with a general market trend of up or down is about 90% on the Chinese market and about 60% on the U.S. financial markets which are much more transparent (pp. 35 – 39), not just as a result of more effective financial markets regulation, but of being embedded in a rule by law system in which information flows freely.

Chen said that state-owned monopolies can use their monopoly power to boost their incomes at the expense of average citizens, but unlike in western countries, the monopoly problem is not somewhat ameliorated by a flow of income from publicly-held monopolies back to average citizens.  This meliorating effect occurs in many western countries where stocks are widely held but not in China.   This and other problems of asymmetric information and power aggravates the skewing of the income distribution in China.   The lack of widespread participation in financial markets and the problem of land not being private (“dead capital”) in China are severe obstacles to the financial opportunities of the average Chinese.  Diversifying wealth means that savings rates can decline and people will feel wealthier; this will help increase consumption and help bring capital alive. (pp. 3  – 22)

Chen said the quality of the Chinese stock market is declining.  There was much enthusiasm after the Securities Law was passed in 1999 and in 2001 some financial magazines exposed wrongdoings of some listed companies.  In 2001, however, the first securities holder to bring a case to court was told by the court that it would not accept the case.  In 2003 there were two important cases, but the penalties imposed were relatively small, and in other cases the courts refused to hear a civil suit unless the accused company had already lost a criminal case.   During 2000 – 2005 the number of cases brought and the median penalty imposed fell steadily.  (pp.  39 – 41)

Chen devotes a long chapter (pp. 101 – 189) to explaining why media freedom is essential to the future of the Chinese economy.  中国经济前情为何离不开新闻自由
Chen begins the chapter “Although the problem of official corruption and the lack of trust in Chinese society is becoming more and more serious, and is a problem felt keenly by all sectors of society, reports on this problems are always restricted and the media is censored. The propaganda departments that manage the media are constantly sending out documents or making a phone call in order to orally “get in touch” to order that the media not report on certain topics that are  “sensitive” or “not beneficial to social stability”.   What effect does the strengthening of censorship have on the Chinese economy?  In other words, what economic benefits do we get from the media freedom?  Is media freedom worth something?  Naturally we are all happy about the rapid growth of the Chinese economy, and so might find it hard to understand why someone would say “media freedom is very important for the Chinese economy”.  Indeed, for centuries media freedom has been for centuries thought of as a completely political institution and useful for oversight of the activities of those who govern society and as a check on government power.

However, media freedom is essential for the deepening of the Chinese economy, for reducing economic corruption, and for promoting market trading.  More media freedom will also be needed to increase employment in China.  [to summarize where he goes from there,  the service sector is poorly developed in China, China’s economic growth is tied to manufacturing and construction, areas in which the quality of institutions and information symmetry are much less important than in the service sector, where the greatest opportunity for creating new jobs lies.   China’s economic model has benefited much from exporting but by becoming the “workshop of the world”, terrible pressures have been placed on China’s environment and resources…. Justice Brandeis  (p. 128) said “sunlight is the best disinfectant” and so information freedom helps fight corruption and boosts information symmetry in financial markets.

Chen also wrote a chapter on “The Law and Wealth” in which he points out that passing many laws does not equal the rule of law and that although the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress does have legislative power and the government executive departments do not, in practice laws passed by the NPC do not constrain the executive departments of government. (p. 199).  He discusses the PRC Law on Investment in Securities and issues such as under what circumstances are laws regulating a particular sector needed and the Investment law (pp. 194 – 198) and what should be the respective roles of the securities regulators, the courts and the National People’s Congress in regulating the securities sector, the discussing the experiences of the UK, the USA, and China in regulating the securities sector.




陈教授认为中国的贫富差距,股东市场一系列的问题,服务业站在国家总收入百分之比,与老百姓借款难因为在现有的制度下不能自由地买卖土地就不能用土地来担保贷款。《非理性亢奋》里面讨论的问题包括市场上信息不对称 [asymmetry of information] 经济学里的重要观念。他指的不是股东市场而已。 水果市场也如此。




  • 法治和产权保护是普及“股权致富”的基础
  • 财富是国有还是私有,决定了人们的财富
  • 为什么中国股市质量在下降?
  • 中国经济前景为何离不开新闻自由?
  • 新闻自由是中国经济未来增长的必要基础
  • 证监会,法院与人大– 如何分管证卷市场
  • 集体诉讼是保护股民有效方法

身为还没有拔脱资产阶级思想的美国人,我很注意到陈教授提出的中国经济深层问题与最近特别受党的关怀那些批评中国的一个党独大人民民主战争制度的异议分子的思想一致。 如果像我一个没有学会辩证法的美国人能看得出来,很多中国人应该比我更跟清楚。





作  者:陈志武

出 版 社:中信出版社

出版品牌:中信出 版社


定  价:39.00

I S B N :9787508623443

所属分类: 经管  >  经济

标  签:财经管理  经 济  经济学理论


年度财经图书大奖获奖图书,《为什么中国人 勤劳而不富 有》姊妹篇,你能仅靠工资致富吗,年度财经图书大奖获得者,著名经济学家陈志武教授告诉我们,现代社会致富的基本途径是“股权致 富”。因此,必须以公正而 完善的法治保护产权,信息自由流动以加强市场平衡,完善金融市场以促进资源配置。


你能仅靠工资致富吗?为什么现代社会出现了那 么多“富可敌 国”的富豪?他们致富靠的是什么?《非理性亢奋》告诉我们,现代社会致富的基本途径是“股权致富”。股权能通过金融市场放大自己 的价值,把未来的利润变成 现在的财产,使得财富数额不断扩大。因此,必须以公正而完善的法治保护产权,信息自由流动以加强市场平衡,完善金融市场以促进资 源配置在这些因素的共同作 用下,人们的财富才能越来越多。


陈志武,美国耶鲁大学管理学院金融学 终身教授、北 京大学光华管理学院特聘教授、长江商学院访问教授。金融学和金融资产定价领域最具有创造力和最活跃的学者之一。获得过美国默顿· 米勒(诺贝尔经济学奖得 主)研究奖、芝加哥期权交易所研究奖等多项重大奖励。2000年,在一项颇得全球经济学家首肯的世界经济学家排名中,名列第 202位(在前1000名中, 仅有19人来自中国)。2006年,被《华尔街电讯》评为中国十大最具影响力的经济学家之一。   1990年获得耶鲁大学金融经济学博士学位,1995年获聘为俄亥俄州立大学副教授。1998年创办Value Engine(价值引擎)公司,2001年与两个合伙人创办了Zebra对冲基金公司。   先后出版了《为什么中国人勤劳而不富有》,《非理性亢奋》、《金融的逻辑》、《24堂财富课》、《陈志武说中国经济》等著 作,其中《为什么中国人勤劳 而不富有》获年度财经图书大奖,并被多家媒体推荐为当年最值得珍藏的财经图书。   主要研究方向:市场监管、资本市场、证券投资管理、公司治理、公司财务与组织战略、股票定价等。


  • 金融与财富
  • 股市与财富
  • 媒体与财富
  • 法律与财富


说到经济学理论,我没有办法跟那 些经过严格理论训练的人相比,比如钱颖一、许成刚、陈志武、白重恩等,他们常常能用现代经济学的源流把事情说得很清楚。                     ——著名经济学家、国务院发展研究中心研究员 吴敬琏   改变中国目前国富民穷的状况,一方面可以减税,另一方面,就是陈志武教授所讲的,要改变资产配置。                     ——著名经济学家、中欧国际工商学院经济学和金融学教授 许小年   陈志武教授的著作深入浅出,说理透彻,把财富创造的制度基础讲得很清楚,是难得的通俗经济学读物。                     ——著名学者,清华大学历史系教授 秦晖   陈志武教授具有健全的政治经济学视野,这样的视野在国内经济学术界是少见的。他对纷繁的现实进行了技术经济学的逻辑分析,进 而进行了法律与政治的分析,从而更为准确地解释了一个令人困惑的问题为什么中国人勤劳而不富有,甚至连基本的安宁也无从享有。                     ——独立学者,九鼎公共事务研究所研究员 秋风   陈先生一针见血地指出了财富增长的制度性内涵,使我们明白,仅有个人的机遇和聪明才智是不够的,在勤劳和富有之间还有一座必 须建造的桥梁——好的市场经济制度。                     ——著名财经媒体人、《财经》杂志主编 何力


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Excerpt Translation: The Qing and Yuan Dynasties were Not ‘Chinese’ Dynasties

China as a cultural zone and China as a state. What is China?  The Qing Dynasty called itself  Da Qing, not China.  Dynasty after dynasty. Are dynasties different states?  Some existed simultaneously with other dynasties within the Chinese cultural zone.  An anonymous essay had some interesting highlights, summary translated here. 

 the Chinese language article “The Qing Dynasty was not a Chinese  Dynasty”  last year noted that Sun Yatsen wrote in his “Three People’s Principles”  that that China has been politically obliterated twice in its thousands of years of history.  Once time by the Yuan (Mongol)  Dynasty and the second time by the Qing  (Manchu) Dynasty.   I summary translated a few excerpts.

…..  而且按照国际惯例,判断一个已去世的人的国籍,依据的是此人生前的国籍,而不是在他死后他的出生地属于哪个国家。李白出生在寓碎叶,此地在现在的吉尔吉斯坦境内。按照他们的说法李白应该是吉尔吉斯坦人了?孙中山在《民族主义》第二讲中说过:“中国几千年以来,受到政治上的压迫以至于完全亡国,已有了两次,一次是元朝,一次是清朝。”今天中国人一厢情愿地称清朝是中国王朝,可惜人家清朝统治者们根本就不认为自己是中国人。 – See more at:
In 2004, a professor from Ulaan Bataar University in Mongolia commented on Chinese anti-Japanese sentiment at the Asian Games.  “The Chinese take the great achievements of Mongolia and our Mongolian ancestors in conquering them as the achievements of their ancestors and national heros.  They take the time when we colonized them as the most glorious period in their history.  The Chinese are a people who do seem to have an idiotic kind of logic, what right do they have to criticize your country’s (Japan’s)  view of history? What right do they have to criticize your national heros, those so-called grade A war criminals who invaded them?
 2004 年蒙古乌兰巴托大学教授额日德雷根在访问日本时接受日本NHK电视台采访时针对当年亚洲杯足球赛上中国球迷的抗议日本活动说到:“中国人把我们国家和民族的伟大英雄,征服过他们的帖木贞当作他们的祖先和英雄,把我们对他们的殖民历史当作他们最强大的历史,这样一群拥有白痴一样逻辑的民族,又有什么资格去抗议你们国家民族的历史观呢?又有什么资格去抗议你们民族的英雄,当年侵略过他们的所谓‘甲级战犯’呢?我认为他们没有那个资格。” – See more at:
Lu Xun in his “Random Notes” wrote how as a child he learned of the great heros and dynasties of Chinese history and how at 20 he heard that “our Da Qing” conquered Europe and that was the most glorious period of Chinese history.  When he turned 25, he that the “most glorious period of Chinese history” was when the Mongols invaded and made us their lackeys. Later I learned that the Mongols first conquered eastern Europe and only later conquered China.  But he conquered Russia first.  So really it should be the Russians saying “When our Genghis Khan conquered China, it was the most glorious period of our history” 
鲁迅在《随便翻翻》中说过 : “幼小时候,我知道中国在‘盘古氏开辟天地’之后,有三皇五帝….. 宋朝,元朝,明朝,‘我大清’。到二十岁,又听说‘我们’的成吉思汗征服欧洲,是我们最阔气的时代。到二十五岁,才知道所谓这‘我们最阔气的时代’,其实是蒙古人征服了中国,我们做了奴才。直到今年(指1934年-引者)八月里,因为要查一点故事,翻了三部蒙古史,这才明白蒙古人的征服‘斡罗思’,侵入匈、奥,还在征服全中国之前,那时的成吉思还不是我们的汗,倒是俄人被奴的资格比我们老,应该他们说‘ 我们的成吉思汗征服中国,是我们最阔气的时代’的。 ” – See more at:
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English Translation of Excerpt from Yin Shuping’s Rightist Memoir

From Yin Shuping’s Qiuwang 秋望 a memoir of Yin’s imprisonment as a rightist.

For more on the author, see Yin Shuping

124. Xu Hongru’s Character and the True and the False Shen Chong

In the drier areas of the Jiangnan agricultural station, maize, potato, millet, beets, and wheat and soybeans were interplanted between rows of corn. Rice grew on the rice paddies. Of the 1000 mu cultivated, 400 mu were in rice and over 500 mostly in maize. Many more crops were harvested than at the Nansi agricultural station even though it was several hundred mu smaller. The Jiangnan agricultural station had many more crop varieties. Perhaps not all the crops grown in China and abroad but compared with Nansi and other farms, richer and with many more varieties than at Nansi and other farms.

Therefore, the vegetables and fruits of the vegetable plots of the garden team of the Jiangnan station were well-known to all the government cadres and re-education through labor inmates of the Malan farm. Not only was the self-sufficiency of the Jiangnan agricultural station the pride of the re-education through labor inmates throughout the farm, it was also supplied the entire farm with vegetable seeds for experiments. The administrators of the farm largely ignored the sideline industry vegetable plots to go plunder the Jiangnan agricultural station. After Xu Hongru became brigade head in 1960, he introduced many new varieties that attracted more attention to the farm. It was not just the variety and deliciousness that won fame. It was more the meticulousness of the Nan garden team and its stern management style. Amidst the great famine that gripped the entire country and the steadily mounting tortures poured on the heads of the re-education through labor inmates, the vegetable garden of the Nan garden team of the Jiangnan station was a magnificent place set apart like a Garden of Eden, quiet and forbidding. The vegetation was so luxourious that each step forward brought up a different scene of many different types of fruits and vegetables arranged in impressive arrays.

Everybody saw food that can be simply picked and consumed as forbidden fruit. Even people who grow them couldn’t just pick them at will. Everyone who breaks that rule is severely punished. This was the rule of the Jiangnan agricultural station. Not only do people not dare to pick for themselves the fruits and vegetables in the gardens, but even the vegetables that grow outside the gardens along the sides of the road in plain sight are absolutely forbidden to pick. Those plants stand their in their beauty, their fat green leaves, the flowers inclined towards the sun. Yet even those in constant hunger like the those education through labor workers who have have spent some time at Jiangnan as well as new comers just getting adjusted to the system do not forget the bloody lesson taught to thieves. There were those severely punished for their picking “thievery” and those arrested for sneaking food for themselves. There were even tragedies of people who picked these forbidden fruit and then killed themselves. Indelible in memory was the sick person and so was allowed to go get medical care. On the way back he picked a corner of a sunflower that was growing on the side of the road, feeding his hunger as he walked along. His luck was bad so he was found out.

The news soon reached Ma Wenying, who immediately ordered the person back to the agricultural station, saying that “once he is back to the station I’ll settle accounts with him!” Fear grew within the thief as he walked from the fields to the Jiangnan agricultural station so at a precipice on a winding mountain road, at the Twin Dragon Pool beside the rapids on the Malan River, Shen Cong drowned himself. This incident brought great pain, fear, and sorrow to the education through labor workers at the Jiangnan agricultural station. Forever afterwards they considered it an admonition that was that day fulfilled.

Shen Chong was a weak, bookish sort of fellow. A teaching assistant in the Chinese literature department of some university. A member of the Communist Party. I don’t know whether it is an irony or a mockery of history that his name was just exactly that same as that Beijing University female student, who, shortly after victory came in the War of Resistance Against the Japanese, was insulted in Peiping by an American soldier. After the Beijing University student Shen Chong was insulted by an American soldier, the anger of the Chinese was fanned by the Communist Party and became the occasion for starting large demonstrations against the Americans and against Chiang Kai-shek. That female student Shen Chong entered the lists of the struggle between Chinese political parties as the Shen Chong incident and so became an historical figure. This incident was important in laying the foundation for the campaign of Mao Zedong’s Communist Party against the Americans and Against Chiang Kai-shek and towards its goal of ruling China.

What an achievement! Naturally after Mao’s Communist Party came to power, the Shen Chong Incident was swiftly forgotten and never again mentioned. You can only come across it in some corner of the archives where records are kept, but only to serve the political purposes of the present and future and for written and oral struggles. The Shen Chong of the Jiangnan agricultural station was better educated than that woemn student Shen Chong of Peking University. That male Sheng Chong suffered more hardships and insults yet during the great starvation under Mao’s rule that killed tens of millions of people, because he was sick an hungry, he took to eat a small corner of a roadside sunflower and was regarded as a criminal. He suffered more insults to his dignity, body and soul than were the insults and humiliation suffered by Shen Chong under the rule of the Nationalist Party. He did not get any support. Nobody spoke out for him. Isolated in a dreary existence, in fear and trembling amidst that hopelessness, he plunged into the water and drowned.

His body was found by the old Shanxi Province revolutionary Mao Hao as he cut grass alongside the Two Dragon Pool for the donkeys. Later, Ma Wenying, out of his stubborness and to uphold his rights as the local despot, forced all the re-education through labor workers to listen to his relentless criticisms of Sheng Chong’s remains at a criticism meeting. Everyone there was trembling and heart-broken, yet that some need was felt to make their state of mind even more intense, was the scene of criticism of corpse. If the spirit of the ancient sage and patriot Qu Yuan could have heard, I don’t know just what elegy for a martyr for his country he would have sung.

Ah! Shen Chong, that female college student at Peking University in the middle of the fourth decade of the twentieth century who did not believe in Marxism-Leninism nor Mao Zedong Thought was seen by Mao’s Communist Party as a treasure that could be used to stir up opposition to Chiang Kai-shek and the Americans and promote revolution. The other Sheng Chong, the university teacher who in the sixth decade of the twentieth century was a firm believer in Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought and dedicated himself body and soul to it, was nonetheless was made to be an “anti-Party” criminal by Mao Zedong’s Communist Party. He was forced into a desparate situation and in his sorrow put an end to his own life. Yet after he ended his life he was still subjected to a cruel judgement. If the blue heavens indeed has eyes, what would it make of this truth?

What disturbs me even more is this: On December 24, 1946, Mao Zedong’s Communist Party used the “Shen Chong Incident” to incite university students throughout China to join in big demonstrations against Chiang Kai-shek and the Americans. Yet the Sheng Chong of the Communist Party’s propaganda, the one who was brazenly raped by an American soldier was not the true Sheng Chong. It didn’t happen that way. Shen Chong, according to the Communist Party’s ruse, approached an American soldier, and stirred up his passion. They did not have sexual relations. Nonetheless she said that had been raped and this claim was given enormous publicity. After she had been used by the Communist Party as an Anti-Chiang and Anti-American bullet, Shen Cong knew that she was in the wrong. She was ashamed to be seen in public and so changed her name to Shen Yan and maintained her privacy ever after. Later, she married my literary and cartoonist friend Ding Cong. She deceived the people of this world for several decades with this upending of the true and the false which could not be acknowledged in public down to the present day. Whether this Shen Chong of the past, late Shen Yan, feels regret, I don’t know. Yet that Shen Chong who could not accept his humliations and killed himself as the Jiangnan agricultural station, was a true and firm believer in Marxism-Leninism Mao Zedong Thought. If heavens has eyes, this incident should serve as an example for future reference.

The Two Dragon Pools are two pools of about two meters in diameter but of unknown depth. It is a mountain spring from which water pours out of the geological depths. The two pools brush shoulders familiarly but are not connected. Warm steam vapors emerge from the pools in the winter. In the summer, the water is clear and cool. Water has been pouring out of it since before human memory and from where no-one knows. The flow continues, never ebbing and never stopping, bouncing about and then entering the rapid westward currents of the Malan River. The currents flow until they reach a small dam on the Malan river not far downstream from the Jiangnan station. Much of the water is lifted to irrigate the 400 some hectares of rice paddy of the Jiangnan station.

When the Jiangnan station was built, some men were ordered to put a stone at the end of a long ropes and put the ropes deep into the gurgling pools in order to find out how deep they were. Thirty meter ropes with heavy stones tied on them still did not touch bottom. Despite the heavy stones, the deeper the stones were lowered they more they were buffeted and taken away so that they never could reach the bottom. In one of the pools, the rope one stone was attached to was taken away in to some mysterious passageway over 20 meters down. It took several men pulling together to haul up the rope, but they never did get the stone back. Therefore the pool was called the mysterious “dragon pool”. Later the pools became known as the “Two dragon pools”.

Shen Cong. The first person to drown themselves by plunging into the two dragon pools of the Jiangnan station. The first person to put into practice the ideal that human dignity and respect are more important than life itself! Forever after, the two dragon pools in the hearts of the re-education through labor inmates of the Jiangnan station became variously something that visibly affected them as they spoke, thought of with respect, stared at yet avoided coming up close, bred a deep and mysterious fear, seemed misty like a dream and as charming as a demon.

Jiangnan station used the blood and lives of its highly educated true believers in communism of excellent character to forge its severe discipline of blood and iron. This disciplline protected all the land and water crops of the Jiangnan Station, especially the garden and vegetable areas in the Jiangnan gardens. After Xu Hongru became brigade leaders, the Jiangnan station relied more on artistic performances and propaganda to spread its fame ever further. The vegetable and fruit garden area of the Jiangnan brigade became in people’s minds even more mouth-watering yet even more a place where one would not pick or even think of picking without authorization.

In those days, Xu Hongru was like a man who had bottled up for too long all the hatreds inside him. He stared at people calmly sideways and waited for his opportunity to sudden explode on people like a wild animal. He didn’t pay particular attention to those like himself who had been set there for reform through labor. No, he paid attention to the aggressive actions of the political cadres from Jiangnan or other stations who were set on implementing the proletarian dictatorship.

Moreover, these opportunities he looked for occurred fairly often. Once, a manager-instructor and a political cadre from the Blackhorse Bay station who were armed with live ammunition came to the station from a mountain district several tens of kilometers away. After a long walk along winding roads they made passed the final mountain by the oil factory of the Jiangnan station, cut through the corn field by the oil factory trench as they hurried on down breathless. They hurried over the bridge over the Mulan River and ran hungry and thirsty in the the vegetable and fruit garden of the Jiangnan brigade. They bent down as they walked along, picking sweet turnips, rubbing them and then chewing on them.

Xu Hongru, who had been quietly watching the two of them, roared like a lion in an angry voice, “What are you doing? Put them down!” His angry voice came out like that of a director in a local play, frightening these two political cadres from the Black Horse station as of they had just heard artillery fire. They stood, looking aheard expressionless, at a loss about what to do and looking about, terrified. When they say that Xu Hongru was wearing to the uniform of someone doing re-education through labor, just the same as that of the people then working in the vegetable and fruit garden, they immediately changed their tone and recovered their dignity and composure. They adopted the attitude of people exercising the dictatorship and switch from defense to offense.

“Aren’t you a re-education through labor worker? ” the two political cadres said, shamed to anger, in an accusing voice, with an undercurrent of murderous threat.

“Yes.” Xu Hongru walked towards them, unperturbed, holding his head high. Then he added “I am an education through labor worker of the Jiangnan Station! Planting and caring for the vegetable and fruit gardens!”

“Stand at attention! We are political cadres from the Black Horse station! A person getting education through labor must know that they should be well-behaved earnest in front of a political cadre! “

“You two are the ones who are not well-behaved and earnest! I, however, according to the government’s instruction and requirements are earnest and well-behaved in asking you not to steal public property!”

“What? What gives you that right?”

“The regulations of the Malan Farm! The rules of the Jiangnan station and the orders of the managers of the Malan Farm!”

“What? We can’t just pick two turnips?”

“No. What you picked was the prestige of the Communist Party and of the proletarian dictatorship of the great leader Chairman Mao, the honor of the Malan Farm, the dignity of the Jiangnan Station. Even more serious, what you did is a challenge to and a trampling upon of the excellent tradition of ideological reform of instructor Ma of the Jiangnan station!”

“What are you going to do about it?”

“Please first return the two turnips you picked to their original places. Then come to our station. If station manager Sun and Instructor Ma agree that you do that, we will do the paperwork and you can have as much as you want. I will comply completely and work closely with you. I could even have all the reform through labor workers of the southern garden pick all that you want or even everything and pack it up and send to your Blackhorsebay station and give it to you directly!”

“We are going to the farm on urgent business. We don’t have time to go to your station for paperwork delays.”

“No, that is not acceptable!”

“Could you just convey our words to Station Manager sun and Instructor Ma?”

“No, that is not acceptable!”

“Then when we get to the farm, we’ll make a telephone call to station manager Sun and Instructor Ma and explain the situation and promise that you won’t have any problem!”

“What nonsense!” The two angry political cadres through down the turnips they had picked, backed up and hurried out of the vegetable garden and swaggered off.

“Come here!” Xu Hongru yelled in a great voice. From all directions have came over 40 workers who had been watching developments quietly.

“Are you crazy? Are you rebelling? Starting a riot?” said the two surrounded political cadres with angry eyes, breathing heavily. They pulled back their rifle bolts and nervously confronted the group.

“Whoever harms a hair on the head of these two political cadres will die! Whoever does not obey the station regulations and brigade discipline will also die! ” Xu Hongru looked all around and yelled out

“What are you going to do?”

“I already told you repeatedly — go to our station headquarters. We are making a reasonable request. We do not have the authority to offend you nor do I have the authority to let you leave.” Xu Hongru explained in a cold and matter-of-fact way.

“Fuck this. We mean to go and we will go. You are delaying us and this is your responsibility. The boss will hold you accountable!”

“Whether I am to be shot or tortured, I assume full responsibility. Please…”

Thus the two Blackhorsebay political cadres, surrounded by over 40 Jiangnan Station education through labor workers, were taken you could say as prisoners, or you could say with an honor guard, to the headquarters of the Jiangnan Station.

Those two political cadres of the Blackhorsebay station were taken to the Jiangnan Station. After they and Xu Hongru described the incident, Xu Hongru was beaten and sent back to the brigade. Later it was said that Station leader Sun and Ma Wenying entertained them, invited them to drink teac and eat the sweet desserts made by the Jiangnan station. However, their behavior in stealing the turnps was not approved by Station leader Sun and Ma Wenying.

The news spread quickly to the highest authorities of the farm. No matter how much the two cadres from the Blackhorse Bay station raged, the farm department had to tacitly approve the attitude of Xu Hongru and the attitude of the authorities of the Jiangnan station and then openly approved it. News of this incident spread far and wide, reaching all the brigades of the Malan farm, and even the authorities of the city and provincial authorities of Xi’an and Shaanxi province. The reputation of the Jiangnan station rose. Station leader Sun was serene at this news. Ma Wenying go even prouder and even called a meeting of all the education through labor workers at the station so that this incident would become more widely known.

After this victory Xu Hongru said to me quietly once something that was on his heart. “Those bastards! I wanted to get a little justice for Shen Chong and for we who are miserable here because of false accusations. After doing that, I felt so much better!…” I smiled and just couldn’t stop thinking about it. That was the fiery eruption of a terribly oppressed soul. The firery riposte of a ground down and degraded soul!

This was a glimmer of light in the kingdom of darkness! There must be then, some eternal force that pulls us towards the light, the springtime and freedom. I keep this knowledge always in sight, always as a kind of voice in my ears,  and always stored in my heart.

《秋望》殷叔平著 笔名 殷仁

















二龙潭。是两个直径大约两米左右,深不可测,由深深的地层内部冒涌出水的山泉口。两潭并列相偎,却互不相连。冬日冒着白色的暖水汽;夏日又水温清凉。所冒溢出来的水,已不知冒溢了多少年。从无人理睬。更无人管理。永不减弱更永不枯竭地溢流出来的水,杂乱地窜流入了湍急向西的马栏河。直到江南站在不远的下游栏河筑起的小水坝处,多半被抬高引入那四百余亩江南站的水稻田……江南站建站伊始,曾命人用长绳绑了一块石头,下放到这两个汩汩涌泉的水潭里,以图探测个水深。但绑了重石的绳子下放了三十余米,仍未到底;且重重下沉的石头,越往下沉,越被旋转上翻的水流冲托阻滞,根本到不了潭底,而且在一个潭里,连绳带石头还被旋进了二十多米以下的神秘的拐道,几个人合力往上拽断了绳子,也没能将石头拽上来。因而被视若神秘的“龙潭”。久之, 便习惯地称其为“二龙潭”……

沈崇。是江南站第一个自沉亡命于二龙潭里的人。也是第一个践行了人格和尊严比生命更重要的人!自此,二龙潭,在江南站劳教人员心目中,更是谈潭色变,思而敬之,睹而远之,深邃似幻, 迷离如梦,神秘若妖……
























已经再三向你俩报告过了:去我们站部!我的请求正当合理。因为我没权冒犯你俩,也没权就这么让你俩离开!”徐鸿儒冷峻地, 无可指责地,不紧不慢地解释。



就这样, 这两名黑马湾站的干部, 在四十多名江南站南园队劳教人员的远远包围下, 既可以说是被押解, 又可以说是被欢送到了江南站部……


第四章:马栏劳教农场江南站 457




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Author of Anti-Rightist Novel, Chengdu Writer Yin Shuping Faces Bankruptcy and Persecution

In Chengdu Lonely,  Elderly Yin Shuping Took out a mortgage on his apartment to publish his book in Hong Kong, “Autumn Hope” Becomes Despair”

Photo: Chengdu writer Yin Shuping, Chengdu 2011


by Dark Star   January 5, 2014   02:46:36

In October 2010, Chengdu writer Yin Shuping, born 1936 and imprisoned as a ‘rightist’ in 1957 and now a lonely old man took out a 100,000 RMB mortgage on his apartment, adding to it 20,000 RMB he had on hand, sent  120,000 RMB to a Hong Kong publisher to publish his nearly 1.7 million word novel “Qiuwang” [Autumnal Hopes]  (a three part tune).


The novel takes place in Chengdu, Sichuan and in the Malan Reform Through Labor farm.  The novel describes the sufferings of Chinese before and after the 1957 anti-rightist campaign. Not only will those who went through thought reform in Sichuan and Shaanxi provinces in those days, who suffered the physical punishments, who had to endure insults  on their characters and self-respect recognize themselves in the stories.  So too will those who in their blind ignorance participated in these political campaigns and their descendants see themselves or their relatives.

This novel is a call of the bloodied and the moaning of the helpless.  The author put his all into this book.  The true names of the people, organizations, work units and places are called out in this book.  Important  not only as an historical document, Qiuwang moves us as well as a work of philosophy and of art.  After reading these volumes,  you will not only be angered but wonder who could such deplorable events occur in a socialist republic.

That is why some perceptive people have been calling Qiuwang (A Three Part Tune0 China’s Gulag Archipelago.  (Gulag Archipelago was a lengthy work written by the former Soviet Union’s Alexander Solzhenitsyn.  “Gulag” refers to the initials of the “Re-Education and Reform Through Labor Management Bureau”. The events in the book take place between 1958 and 1968. In addition to his own story, the author interviewed 227 other people involved.  This memoir bravely revealed the darkness and inhumanity of the former Soviet Union’s re-education through labor system. The great influence of this book which awakened the conscience of the world, led to the author being expelled from his country and deprived of his citizenship.)  As a result, Qiuwang could not be published in mainland China and so the author hand no alternative to sending it to Hong Kong, where there is freedom of publication and freedom of speech.


The Hong Kong publisher did not strongly promote the book and so most readers never heard of it.  Hong Kong did have some exciting book shows in recent years but Yin’s book wasn’t on the shelves there.  Although the book was acquired by the Chinese section of the UN Library and by several foreign universities,  but the Hong Kong book market and the kinds of books Hong Kong readers prefer tend to be about current affairs, practical and not historical or looking ahead.  Moreover, books published in Hong Kong cannot be sold in Mainland China.   Mainland readers visiting Hong Kong bookstores may not necessarily go to the bookstore selling Yin’s book.  A long book about the anti-rightist campaign in any case has a limited market.  And so Yin was not about to recoup the investment he made in the publication of his book.   Without the income, he could not pay back the loan.   This is something old Yin had not anticipated.


More problems:  Hong Kong bookstores as small as is their space for inventory.  The contract was for three years.  After the end of the contract, the prospects for this book once published with high hopes came down to two:  the first is that the author takes the books back to Mainland China.  The second is that the books be recycled as waste paper in Hong Kong.   Mainland China customs is very strict about printed materials brought in from Hong Kong.  A book about politics and history like Qiuwang could never get through customs.   (Well, perhaps 10 or 20 volumes might, but certainly not hundreds. Express mail could work, but the number of books that could be sent that way would be limited and expensive.)

As I said, “Qiu Wang” is an account of the author’s life, and is like a child that he raised to adulthood.  Sending the book to the trash heap is like killing one’s  own child in the cradle, or like throwing money into Victoria Harbor.  That is too cruel a blow.  Yin Shuping wants to go to Hong Kong, pile up the books in Victoria Square, invite the media to come as witnesses and set the books alight.  This is a sad and destructive decision.  However,  Hong Kong is a place that runs according to law and which maintains public order.  A citizen can’t just go to the public square and set something alight.  Setting fires would result is a big fines, and imprisonment if there were serious consequences.

At this stage, Yin Shuping isn’t thinking about consequences.  But he is already nearly eighty and has not long the physical vigor of youth.  For Old Yin to travel from Chengdu to Hong Kong would not be easy.  Moreover, if he did get to Hong Kong, he would not be able to carry so many books.  If he were to ask someone to transport them, that would be expensive.   For the impoverished elderly Yin Shuping, that would not be realistic.  Dying for his dream or going to prison – both would hard to accomplish.


The American writer F. Scott Fitzgerald said “Show me a hero and I will write you a tragedy.”  Five hundred and fifty thousand Chinese intellectuals were branded “rightist”.  There is a tragedy in the story of every one of them.   Yin Shuping wrote and published his book not entirely for himself.  Rather by presenting the hard experiences of his own life, he could tell the world and future generations, to tell the sceptics of just how bitter it was to have been branded a rightist and the depths of despair to which they sunk.  Yin Shuping is a lucky man. He survived.  Many branded “rightist” did not.   Some because they could not take it or would not bear it and took their own lives.  More were carried away anonymously be sickness in a reform through labor camp.  They did not live to see the day when the wrong done to them would be recognized.   The French writer Victor Hugo said “Disaster is the wet nurse of daring; tragedy is the breast milk of heroes.”   That is not right. It is nothing but an opiate.  You just come near this “wet-nurse”, you just try to taste that “breast milk”.    You will understand that death is better than that sort of life.  The feeling that everyone has been nailed to the cross – that is a feeling that never leaves you for as long as you live.

A bird that soils its own nest is not a good bird.  A government that takes the intellectuals of its own country as the enemy in the class struggle is not a good government.   Those words in the official history of the Chinese Communist Party  — “the struggle against the rightists expanded” (in the latest edition of the history of the Chinese Communist Party the period of the “anti-rightist campaign” is explained and defined as “having been expanded”. )  These words cannot erase or dim the memory of the bloody historical period.  Li Dali got it right.  He said, “This sin is the content of the secret but the secret is the hotbed of evil.”

The lonely and misery-filled life of Yin Shuping is a portrait in miniature in one man of the story of China’s intellectuals.  In their later years, they were unable to escape financial difficulty.   Although they lived on the boundary between hopelessness and despair but still they kept on, continuing to offer as they had before to their compatriots, to their hometowns and the their ancestral land their deepest love and devotion.  Just as the author wrote on the title page of his book   “After the golden autumn of hope for China had died, I present these recollections, descriptions and thoughts from  the springtime of my own life during China’s century of difficulties.   I leave behind this book for my compatriots, for my hometown and for my country!”

“The Western Lake, though small, has been a witness to history since ancient times.”  People who love to read and collect books extend your friendly hand to help Yin Shuping.  Help him escape his predicament.   He is 78 years old and cannot have many years left.  His dream is our dream.  It is the dream of all of us who write.  His suffering is our suffering and the common suffering of all intellectuals.  We might ignore the plight of one man but we must not extinguish our nearly silent conscience.  We are readers.  Ever since we  set out on the path of being readers, our loves and our hates,  the joys and sorrows that have arisen in our own lives,  we have already given to the Chinese land beneath our feet.  Yin Shuping is a dreamer who would give his life for his ideals.   Who among does not also is not a “martyr” for their dreams?

Written January 5, 2013 at 2:30 AM

Yin Shuping home telephone number  028-84853645


Cellphone  number :    13618003731







楼主:黑星人 时间:2014-01-05 02:46:36
    2010年10月,1936年出生于成都、1957年被打为“右派”、现为孤寡老人的殷叔平老人,以自己居住的房子向银行抵押贷款十万,加上手头二万,共计十二万元,在香港自费出版近170万字的长篇小说《秋望》(三部曲)。    小说以四川省成都市和陕西省马栏劳改农场为舞台,全面展现1957年反右派运动前后苦难中国之场景。四川、陕西那些曾经被强制思想改造、肉体遭受惩罚、人格与尊严遭受凌辱的人们,还有当年那些受蒙骗而积极参与此政治运动的人们,及其后人也许从中能看到自己或前人的影子。这部小说是带血的呐喊;是无助的呻吟。它倾注了作者一生心血,文中所用全是真名真姓,真实的机关、单位、地点。不仅具有史料价值,更具有思想与艺术的震憾力。全篇通读完毕,不由拍案愤然而起,怀疑这不是在社会主义共和国大地上发生的令人发指的事。












殷叔平手机:    13618003731


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Chinese Spy Novel “Fatal Weakness” — The CIA Spy School

Fatal Weakness  致命弱点  [Zhiming Ruodian] is a novel about Chinese spies in the United States,  the competition between US and Chinese intelligence services, and the fatal weaknesses and susceptibility to manipulation of both services.  Fatal Weakness along with the other two novels in the series, Fatal Weapon and   Fatal Pursuit .

 Read this chapter online in Chinese through the URL

A Chinese wiki Baidu has an article about the trilogy at

 Fatal Weakness   by  Yang Hejun 杨恒均 was published in Hong Kong by the Kaiyi Publishing House in 2004.

 Chinese reviewers of Fatal Weakness call it an excellent portrait of the government millieu of corruption and double dealing in which the intelligence agencies operate. According to the plot summary, the United States exploits corrupt Chinese officials as information sources by playing on their greed. Some friends of young Chinese former spy trainee who has departed for the private sector are caught and so he rescues his friends by playing on both the weaknesses of the Chinese Ministry of State Security and those of the Central Intelligence Agency.

According to the plot summary a US – China double agent in the book works for neither side but on his own account, and feeds false information to both sides in order to serve his own agenda — the precipitation of a US – China conflict.

The chapter on FBI counterintelligence work against Chinese espionage in the US for has dialogue in which some FBI people are worried about China’s rise and talk about the “Yellow Peril”.  So  I wonder that the US part of the book may be a bit overblown and pieced together from press reports and books and may not reflect direct knowledge.  It’s a fun novel even though it isn’t really a spy memoir!

Here is my translation of the plot outline from the website:

Fatal Weakness, 260,000 characters in all, is divided into 26 chapters with titles such as  “Drugs Shock the Devils”, “God’s Surgical Blade”, “The Old Classmate in Washington, DC”, “Who Do You Think You Are?”,  “Infiltrating the FBI”, “Sex Spy”, “Target: Beijing Olympics” and “Double Agent”.

The main plot line follows Yang Wenfeng from university graduation to assignment to the Ministry of State Security, then after switching the private sector, to Guangdong Province.

 Disturbing things began to happen. One after another, his old classmates, one at the Shanghai Public Security Bureau, one at the Guangdong Provincial Government main office, and a third at the Jiuquan Guided Missile Launch Center were one after another were detained by State Security on suspicion of disclosing secret information.

Yang himself was taken away by the Guangdong Province Public Security Bureau. With the help of his former superior at the Ministry of State Security Intelligence Bureau, Yang discovers that the CIA is exploiting the fatal weaknesses – uncontrolled sexual desire and greed — of this classmate in carrying out its intelligence collection activities against China. In order to protect these old classmates, and in order to keep himself and his lover out of trouble, Yang Wenfeng takes advantage of the fatal weakness of the opposing intelligence service. He charges into the breach with his comrades and fights bravely.   But Yang Wenfeng isn’t the only one who understands well the fatal weaknesses of both the Chinese and US intelligence services.  When a double agent pursues a personal agenda and uses the fatal weaknesses of  the Chinese Ministry of State Security and the US Central Intelligence Agency to reach the goal – to make the 2008 Beijing Olympics a disgrace to the Chinese nation, to force the US and China into a confrontation and to make the entire world impose sanctions on China.

Summary translation of a few highlights:

The science park opened ten years ago but there are still some buildings under construction. All this construction activity made David Tian think of China which he hadn’t seen for years. Recently he had accepted the request of the Central Intelligence Agency to come twice a month to give a class for CIA China analysts.

He got out of his car and walked toward the building. The wall are made of a special material. Just in the exterior walls are planted 63 high precision cameras not to mention many infrared heat detectors, and equipment for detecting hazardous materials and gases.

After David Tian transferred to the FBI China Section last year, he was given responsibility for liaison with the CIA. Naturally he got into frequent arguments with CIA counterparts, but a senior CIA analyst Frank Buck [??], who later become the first president of the CIA Sherman Kent School invited David Tian to give a class on China intelligence analysis at the school.  David Tian reported this secretly back to China and in return his old classmates regularly fed him “material” for his class. The CIA is divided into senior administrators who might be in and out of the White House, spies who have a $30 billion a year budget, and analysts.

Analysts are trained at the Sherman Kent School.  Analysts generally are not involved in intelligence collection around the world. Thus unable to skim money off “intelligence expenses” the analysts have to get by on their regular pay.  Similarly, their chance of being promoted to the higher ranks especially to vice director or director is small. They don’t get to go on the TV news and even less get to play a role like in the glamorous Hollywood movies. 

Spending their days reading and working alone, most analysts have hemorrhoids and bad breath after a few years. Just for that reason, the CIA has them take training classes once every two years.  When you want to teach these people in class, they have this habit of lounging about in a slovenly manner with their coffee, always arguing back and forth, it is a real pain – you feel like strangling them!  

Yet it is just those people who write the most expensive and lowest circulation newspaper in the world – The President’s Daily Brief…..

The class of eleven men and ten women settled down. In addition to the regular teachers at the school who focus on basic training, the school regularly invites guest lecturers from throughout the Washington, DC area including think tankers from the Heritage Foundation, the Atlantic Council, etc. David Tian was excited at this opportunity – and Yang Wenfeng had planned it that way.  Getting into the CIA directly is difficult, but first getting into the FBI and then moving over to the CIA was much easier, especially in the post 9/11 environment. 

End of summary translation

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