Kong Dan: The Chinese Communist Party has Long led the Market Economy; It Needs to Be Good at Controlling capital

[Interesting article, especially the second half.  Lots of boring three thises, the five thats and seven thats in the first half.  Reminds me of what I read in the bad old days.  The numbers never really went away but they were a lot more of  them under Mao, and now the numbers have been coming back.  Different numbers though. Still easier to read than in Mao’s day with Party policy documents with paragraph long sentences and eight or more clauses.
I wonder if frustrations from leaders at the next level down about Xi abolishing term limits could make the role of capital issue a relatively safe issue to challenge Xi on.  Just wondering. ]


Kong Dan: The Chinese Communist Party has Long led the Market Economy; It Needs to Be Good at Controlling capital

Ideological Torch March 17

[Intro to the QQ public microblog account of Ideological Torch:]

This public account belongs to the National Cultural Security and Ideological Construction Research Center of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, the Chinese Historical Materialism Society and the Beijing Xifengtang jointly created the “Gathering Together Positive Forces and Spreading Good Ideology” official microblog. Our mission is to promote socialist ideology and promote our country’s mainstream values, safeguard our national security are our mission. We are committed to contributing to the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation!

Editor’s Note: Socialism with Chinese characteristics emerged from over 90 years of practice of revolution, construction and reform, as well as the profound historical traditions of the Chinese nation. The Chinese idea is that “the people are what is most precious, society comes next, and the ruler is much less important.” Chinese people say that economy means “supporting the people from generation to generation”. Maintaining the people’s dominant position is the core value of socialism. The Communist Party’s purpose is to serve the people wholeheartedly. The essence of of socialism with Chinese characteristics is the leadership of the Communist Party of China. In a country as big as China, on the Communist Party is capable of maintaining national unity and social stability. Only the Communist Party can lead China down the socialist road. The leadership of the Party is a thread that runs through the entire socialist era.

Pay Close Attention to Important Documents From the Nineteenth Congress of the Chinese Communist Party

The report of the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China put forward, for the first time, the concept of the “new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics.” The Central Economic Work Conference held at the end of last year stated that since the 18th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party, we have successfully handled overall economic development. The main ideological fruit of this practice is Xi Jinping’s new era of socialist economic thought with Chinese characteristics. At it core are the Seven Principles to Uphold:

  • Uphold the Party’s leadership over economic work,
  • Uphold development thinking that makes people central,
  • Uphold the principle of mastering and adjusting to the new economic situation,
  • Uphold the principle of handling well the relationship between the government and the market,
  • Uphold the principle of adjusting to the main contradictions and changes in our country’s economic development, improving macroeconomic adjustments, and reforms of the structures for economic supply.
  • Uphold the principle of new problem-oriented economic strategies,
  • Uphold correct work strategies and methods, seeking progress in stability and focusing on the bottom line.

This was another important document issued since the report of the Nineteenth Party Congress.

 Later, on January 30, when the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee held its third collective study session, Comrade Xi Jinping further elaborated on the concept of a “modern economic system” in the report of the 19th Party Congress and the Central Economic Work Conference. He pointed out: building a modern economic system is the strategic goal of China’s development, and it is also urgently needed in order to change China’s mode of China’s development by optimizing the structure of growth and transforming and increasing the impetus for growth. This needs to be discussed in depth. There are seven parts to building a modern economic system:

  • An industrial system of innovation-led and coordinated development,
  • A unified and open, competitive and orderly market system,
  • An efficiency-enhancing, fair-revenue income distribution system,
  • An advantaged and coordinated urban-rural development system.
  • A resource-saving and environment-friendly green development system,
  • A diverse, balanced, safe and efficient comprehensive open system that gives full play to the role of the market and improves the role of the government.
  • Addressing all the links, all the various levels and all the various fields of social and economic activities as a whole.

Understanding the Spirit of the “Three Consistents” of the Central Economic Work Conference

We should attach great importance to and seriously study the important speech delivered by General Secretary Xi at the Central Party School seminar of January 5. In this speech, Comrade Xi Jinping emphasized three “Consistents”:

  • We must consistently insist on socialism with Chinese characteristics must be consistent,
  • We must be consistent in adhering to the great task of building the Communist Party, and
  • We must be consistent in strengthening our sense of urgency and avoiding major hazards.

First of all, General Secretary Xi emphasized that socialism with Chinese characteristics did not fall from the sky. It is derived from the practice of 40 years of reform and opening up. China has been probing and making discoveries that have developed this concept ever since the founding of the People’s Republic of China 69 years ago. It arose from the constant probing and discoveries made by the Communist Party of China during its past 97 years. The historical exploration of the decline and the end of the history of the 5,000 years of Chinese history also contributed to its development.

Socialist ideas with Chinese characteristics are also inseparable from these five sources. General Secretary Xi reviewed the history of the rise and fall of China for thousands of years from a grand historical perspective, reviewed the histories of the Communist Party of Chinese Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and finally came to the historical task of leading the great cause of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Comrade Deng Xiaoping said that the persistence and improvement of socialism need continue for several generations, and perhaps for dozens of generations, and the hard work of dozens of generations. Dozens of generations comes to a thousand years. This is looking at history from a very broad perspective.

Socialism with Chinese characteristics emerged from the practice of more than 90 years of revolution, national construction and reform, as well as the profound historical traditions of the Chinese nation. The Chinese concept advocates that “the people are what is most precious, society comes second, and the ruler is not so important.” The Chinese say that the word economy means “sustaining the people from generation to generation.” Upholding the centrality of the people is the core value of socialism. The purpose of the Communist Party is to serve the people wholeheartedly. The essence of socialism with Chinese characteristics is the leadership of the Communist Party of China. Only the Communist Party can maintain the unity of the country and social stability. Only the Communist Party can lead China down the socialist road. Therefore, the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party is the thread that runs throughout the socialist era.

General Secretary Xi also pointed out that our party is not only the ruling party, but also the revolutionary party, and a party that is constantly revolutionizing itself. We must consistently insist on the great task of building the Communist Party.

Finally, we need to cultivate a sense of urgency and avoid major hazards. General Secretary Xi cited a number of risks in many different areas. Regarding economic risks, first, the world economy is recovering slowly, protectionism is on the rise, and Sino-US economic and trade frictions will continue over the long-term. The United States is launching a “301 investigation” against China and is using sanctions against China. Second, the interaction between China’s domestic finance and international finance are becoming closer and more frequent. Since 2008, the overall debt level in the West has been high, and the leverage ratio has continued to rise. Now they are gradually moving away from their policy of unconventional quantitative easing. This will increase global asset flows and result in a new allocation of assets.

The risk of spillover effects from their domestic monetary and fiscal policies has intensified and so we must pay attention to international financial security. The third is the domestic debt problem. In the past few years, we have effectively reduced the risk by taking various measures. However, we must continue to issue warnings about risk in this areas; the risk of failure of small and medium-sized financial institutions has risen along with the possibility of bond defaults. Shadow banking is difficult to supervise, and the real estate market is tightly linked to the financial markets. Household debt is heavy there is a great deal of large hidden local hidden debt. Major changes are likely to occur. Fourth, China’s opening up to the outside world and the construction of the “Belt and Road” have affected relevant overseas strategic interests around the world. However, instability, uncertainty, and geopolitical changes in the world poses risks to our strategic interests.

General Secretary Xi’s speech on January 5 was directly related to his “Three Tough Battles” at the Economic Work Conference. The first of the Three Tough Battles is to guard against major risks, including implicit debt and the vulnerability of financial institutions.

Ever since the policy of reform and opening up began, the Chinese Communist Party has faced a new challenge: how to effectively supervise the market economy and in particular, how to control capital. I would like to make a few points: First, about capital issues. What is the logic of capital? The Communist Manifesto states that since the capitalist society must be divided into two distinct classes of capitalists and proletarians, capitalism must inevitably produce its own grave-diggers, so the historical logic of capitalist development must end in the elimination of private ownership. But they did not realize that it would take thousands of years for socialism to develop. This is an extremely long process. In the process of unfolding of the logic of the development of capital, complicated situations have arisen. For China, just as it did for the former Soviet Union, this historical process has had its frustrations and its ups and downs.

During this process, the Communist Party of China must lead the market economy for a long time but the nature of the Communist Party itself and its values are revolutionary. Although some people are very disgusted with those who are bringing up the topic of revolution again, the Party’s ultimate goal is the elimination of private ownership. However, our market economy currently includes a very large non-public sector economy. Capital is at the core of the market economy. The values of capital and those of the Communist Party are at odds.

The nature of capital is value-added, capital is the soul of the capitalists. Capitalists are merely the embodiment of capital. Its value orientation is the pursuit of personal interests or the interests of market entities. So within the logic of capitalism lies its ability to digest socialism. The challenge we face today is serious. As far as the actual operations are concerned, we continue to talk about the positive role of capital, but the negative effects of capital are rarely mentioned. More than three years ago, when I was interviewed on the Shuipi Forum, I said that capital should be kept in a cage. In 2015, at the root of the stock market disaster was capital, both foreign capital and domestic capital. Therefore, we must maintain our whip hand over capital, not only to take advantage of its positive role, but also to effectively control and constrain its extremely negative effects. This is a great challenge for our Party.

Second, on the relationship between the respective roles of the government and the market. There are two possibilities: the combination of the government and the market is “market mechanisms are effective: vitality at the micro economic level and appropriate controls at the macro level”. The bad combination is that market mechanisms do not play a role, the there is no vitality at the micro economic level and control at the macro level is either absent or excessive. If market controls are not done properly, the latter situation may also occur.

The fundamental idea of the so-called “market faction” is that China should further marketize. They always think that “loosening” has not gone far enough. First, the report of the 18th National Congress clearly pointed out that the overall goal of the reform is to promote the modernization of the national governance system and governance capacity, rather than the “marketization” that some people, oversimplifying, this is the goal. Moreover, just what is “appropriate”? We have forty years of experience and lesson about this. When the two mesh well, the economy develops smoothly and the situation is better than it is in the West. Of course, the government has frequently intervened and the enterprises have not been able to realize their full potential. People who run enterprises naturally want to see them realize their full potential. However, the combination of the three do not mesh property. The degree of macro-control “degree” is wrong problems also arise because of a disorderly market. Therefore looking at it from a control perspective, this is a very difficult problem.

In short, we need to clearly understand the problem of capital and strictly control it. Economic operations work better when the role of government and market mechanisms mesh well. When they don’t, economic operations don’t do well.

(Author: Kong Dan, chairman of the CITIC [note: formerly known as China International Trust Investment Corporation. CITIC is a state-owned investment company] Reform and Development Research Foundation)



思想火炬 3月17日























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Wu Xiaoping Controversy: Time for China to Move Away from Market Economy?

A prof at Renmin University told me in the late 1990s that some people argued in the 1970s that China needed to go backwards from socialism to a market economy in order to achieve communism since market->socialism rather than a Maoist leap of feudalism-> socialism was the way Marx said it had to go.

The October 6th Economist carried an article on the Wu Xiaoping 吴小平  controversy that seemed almost an echo of that kind of thinking.

So I looked into Wu Xiaoping.

Wu Xiaoping sounds like an eccentric character with a deep background in finance.  Not the sort of person one would expect to lead the state enterprise counter-revolution.

Wu Xiaoping’s statement was discussed on some Chinese language BBS about three weeks ago.  I found some comments on a BBS outside of China in Canada that cover a gamut of responses to Wu Xiaoping.  Some though it was a trial balloon for coming policy, some thought moving away from the market was already underway, some thought it was nonsense.

https://www.pin-cong.com/p/130890/?i=1  (bbs with server in Canada)

—- “But do you think about it a bit more deeply, isn’t this a political correctness that is in line with the current political trend of the Communist Party?  He is too straightforward, that might cause a panic, and so he is pulled back.

But already the entrepreneurs have expressed their intention to dedicate the company to the Party. They wear funny red uniforms to go to Yan’an pilgrimage. What is the difference?   

The political atmosphere has already been shaped. Today, any official within the Communist Party, the political machine itself, the countless political screws who have experienced the anti-rightist cultural revolution, they will be very careful about their own political future political security. ….”

—“This shows that the CCP is testing the public’s response to the next step of public ownership. At the end of the 1940s, on the eve of the seizure of state power, the CCP advertised freedom and democracy and praised the United States because of its status as an opposition party. Today,  they care nothing about democracy and freedom, they are trying to move to communism to consolidate their dominant position.”

— “What nonsense!”

—-“…[summary] Wu Xiaoping is very clever.  If he had directly criticized Xi Jinping for preparing to move China from a market to a mixed economy, his statement would have been deleted immediately. However, he pretended to be strongly in favor of the supposed Xi policy.  That way his statement was not deleted, made quite a racket, and the propaganda organs and Xi had to reaffirm their commitment to reform, therefore forestalling their move away from reform.”


Hu Ping’s Radio Free Asia commentary of Sept 14, 2018  notes that Wu Xiaoping argument was swiftly contradicted by the PRC state media, adding that the storm that it created shows that many people doubt Xi’s commitment to economic reform due to some measures he has taken to strengthen state-owned enterprises.


So long, and thanks for all the growthA Chinese writer calls for private companies to fade away

The state sector sees its fortunes rise under Xi Jinping

A sense that SOEs are ascendant was captured in an online article that went viral last month. Wu Xiaoping, a former banker, wrote that the private sector had completed its “historic task” in helping state firms to develop, and that it was time for it to start fading away. Mr Wu’s opinion was widely ridiculed online. His post was deleted, perhaps because even censors thought it was over the top. One associate said Mr Wu had only intended it as satire. Whatever the case, his argument touched a nerve. Mr Xi may think that he is taking a middle road, but suspicions of his intentions abound.”

I found an article about Wu Xiaoping online from the Phoenix (Fenghuang) Web network had picked up from a Chinese energy industry publication.

Who is this Wu Xiaoping who Suggests that China Abandon the Private Enterprise Economy?

Source: Green Power Trading
Today’s article is not about energy, but about a topic that frightens energy industry people.
Yesterday, a man named Wu Xiaoping screamed the slogan of a departed angry ghost.  This was the slogan he yelled. It was quickly deleted.

 Wu Xiaoping: The private sector economy has already completed its historic task of assisting the development of the state economy. Now it should gradually disappear.Wu Xiaoping 16 hours ago 19,000 commentsOver the glorious course of the history of China’s reform and opening, the private economy has already completed its great epochal historic responsibility to help the state sector economy make a leap forward. During the next stage, it will not be easy for the private economy to continue to its heedless expansion. A completely new situation, which will require an economy that is more centralized and more unified economy, and one that is much more of a mixed private-state economy. This mixed economy may well account for a larger and larger proportion of the socialist market economy society in its new stage of development.  

We don’t talk about the topic itself, because everyone understands it.Today, we will do some digging to figure our just who is this guy Wu Xiaoping with his wild ideas!In the headline of his article, he introduced himself as a senior financial person who had participated in the creation of China International Capital Corporation Limited (CICC)’s retail business and wealth management department as executive general manager. Now he works on finance and Internet corporate entrepreneurship.He also gave himself several eye-catching roles – financial critic, business observer, celebrity in the online finance industry, Cheung Kong Business School alumni, visiting professor at Zhejiang University, and one of the founders of the investment banking CICC retail business and wealth management business. He was the co-founder of China’s largest Internet fundraising financial company.

According to media reports, Wu Xiaoping loved reading from a young age. When he was 6 years old, he looked at the Napoleonic Code in his father’s study. He didn’t go to the toilet without taking a book. He also has a strong memory. He could draw a world map with more than 200 country names with their capitals. At the time of the college entrance examination, he applied to the Chinese Literature Department of Peking University. He only switched to finance because his parents worried that “Peking University students were too restless.”

Wu Xiaoping

In 1993, 18-year-old Wu Xiaoping was admitted to the Finance Department of the Central University of Finance and Economics as the top scorer on the Nantong College Entrance Examination.

After graduating from college, for the sake of getting a Beijing household registration, Wu Xiaoping spent eight years at a pharmaceutical company, rotating through many departments. During this period, he changed four departments from finance, securities, general manager’s office to pharmaceutical production base.

Wu Xiaoping decided to go to the business school to finish up his education, so in 2004 he went to the Yangtze River Business School MBA where he got himself gold-plated. After leaving the Yangtze River, Wu Xiaoping successfully entered a multinational commercial bank to do derivatives business.

According to media reports, one year later, thanks to the support of the sales team of the China-Guangzhou Beijing sales team, Wu Xiaoping switched to the institutional sales department of CICC, and began working in the financial field.

He went through ups and downs there. After he leaving CICC, he co-founded of Mi Niu. This is a peer-to-peer platform, handing both stock funds and financial management.

In 2016, after the stock market crash, Mi Niu was investigated and sanctioned by the Securities and Futures Commission and was fined 64 million RMB.

He also has another corporate role as Hexun.com COO and is a strategic consultant to some other companies.

He has also been a co-CEO of Quartet Financial (Quarter), but we have not confirmed it.

Last month, Guo Zhenzhou, the financial boss of Kwaike, surrendered himself to the Shanghai Huangpu Public Security Bureau. Guo confessed to the criminal facts of illegally taking public deposits. As of July 31, 2018, the cumulative volume of Kwaike Finance was 15.6 billion RMB, and the balance to be paid was 3.8 billion RMB.

He recently made another posting that grabbed headline attention: “The value of the Bingduoduo online sales company is almost US $24 dollars. In time, the market value of this company will surpass Jingdong? Then why are consumer companies of A-shares unable to obtain valuation upgrades?”

Wu Xiaoping, what do you say?

Wu Xiaoping isn’t the only one writing about China moving away from the market economy.  The Phoenix web network in March 2018 published another article “Kong Dan: The Party’s Ultimate Goal is to Get Rid of Private Ownership So it Had Better Get to be Good at Managing Capital”  孔丹:党的终极目标是消灭私有制,必须善于管控资本 Private enterprise is a far larger proportion (the Economist recently put it at 80%) of the Chinese economy than the state-owned enterprises that once dominated China in the days of Mao Zedong.


2018-09-12 17:24:40
来源: 绿色电力交易























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The Biggest Lie: Democracy is Not Suitable for China

   While working in China, I often heard officials say and read in the media that democracy is not suitable for China.  That always puzzled me.  It felt like Chinese racism against Chinese people.

   I found this article on the FT Chinese website by wangchdq of Heilongjiang Province, the author of two other short comment-article I shared recently here on my blog. FTChinese has many intriguing articles and comments from China about China.

   As a Twitter colleague warned me today, people who go to the FTChinese website are Chinese intellectuals and some five-centers (Party running dog web agitprop folks paid a pittance for their patriotic services) and not a representative sample of the Chinese nation.   FT的中文讀者群是知識分子居多,外加一些五毛黨。在中國社會的標本意義不大。中下階層不會看FT。 Certainly true, still trying some ideas on for size can enlighten even if they are not necessarily representative.

   As the article concludes Wangchdq favors a gradual opening up of the state to political participation.  Perhaps something like what Taiwan did  — in the 50s opponents were executed; in the 60s they were merely given long prison terms; in the late 70s some independent candidates were allowed and then in the 80s ending of martial law and multiparty democracy and press freedom.

   The Taiwan political situation was different from what it is now on the mainland — in Taiwan, the KMT “mainlanders” were only a small part of the population and of the military relative to the ethnic Taiwans who had been their for generations, so the pressure to democratize must have been more urgent  to those in power because of those special circumstances different from those of the PRC on mainland China today.

   Wangchdq’s comment-article reminded me of Chengdu writer Ran Yunfei’s article of ten years ago  2008: Ran Yunfei: “Where Will the Fear End? A Talk that Could Not Be Delivered”.

The Biggest Lie: Democracy is Not Suitable for China

by wangchdq of Heilongjiang Province, PRC

Chinese officials’ biggest lie over the past century is that the democratic system is not suitable for China. Their biggest lie is that only dictatorship is suitable for China. In order to preserve her position and personal advantages, the Empress Dowager Cixi rejected constitutional monarchy; in order to preserve his position and personal advantages, Yuan Shikai restored the monarchy; in order to protect his position and personal advantage, Sun Yat-sen created his theory of the stages of military government, tutelage government, and constitutional government; in order to protect his position and personal advantage, Chiang Kai-shek created “one political party, one leader, one ideology, and one army”; in order to protect his position and personal advantages, Mao Zedong established socialism; in order to protect his position and personal advantage, Deng Xiaoping created the theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics; in order to protect their positions and personal advantages, the leaders of the generation of educated youth sent down to the countryside during the Cultural Revolution got rid of term limits for top leaders.

In order to demonize and oppose the democratic system, Chinese officials use the excuse that the democratic system will cause social chaos as an argument against democracy. Chinese officials dare not say that because they did not establish a democratic system, ordinary people cannot elect officials, and therefore officials do not speak for and act for the benefit of ordinary people.

Moreover, the cost of maintaining social stability under socialism with Chinese characteristics has actually surpassed military expenditures. The ordinary people have always suffered hardships. The ordinary people have been oppressed by officials. The ordinary people cannot even say whatever they like. The ordinary people have not yet been able to live in justice and freedom.

Sun Yat-sen believed of the poor education and character of Chinese people in his time that they were temporarily unable to exercise their right to be masters of the state. As a result, the Nationalist government led by the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) was needed to educate the people and improve their characters in order to develop the minds of the people. The ultimate goal of the training was to achieve the stage of building the Republic of China into a democratic country, that is, “constitutional government.” On January 29, 1923, Sun Yat-sen published a “The History of the Chinese Revolution” in the special issue of the 50th Anniversary of the “Declaration”, saying: “In the Revolution, in addition to destroying the enemy’s forces, one must pay attention to the cultivation of the capacity of the nation’s citizens.  In essence, the strategy of the Revolution has three stages: the first is the military government period, the second is the tutelage stage during which the capacity of the citizen is built up, and the third is the constitutional period.”

When Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist Government issued the first constitutional document, it became clear that the principles were that party takes on the role of government and that the highest authority of the Nationalist Party was thus the highest authority of the government. The Party directly organized the government. The leaders of all government agencies in the central government were chosen by the by the KMT Central Executive Committee. The power to formulate, amend and interpret the law, and the decision-making power of all legislative principles were all exercised by the party’s institutions. Party decisions were legally binding. The state administrative decision-making power was also a party institution. The central government itself has no right to decide major issues. Everything was subject to the party’s institutions; the government itself was just a tool for the one-party dictatorship.

However, at the same time, the law also clearly guarantees the people’s rights and freedoms of religion, free association, speech, to petition, and privacy communications. It was a big improvement over the previous “political program.” Although the Kuomintang took the responsibility being “the nanny of the tutelage government”, the Kuomintang’s theory of political tutelage was strongly attacked from the beginning. The voices of people opposed to “one-party dictatorship” and “the Party ruling the state” and demanding “returning government to the people” were heard throughout the period.

The three-stage theory of military government, a period of tutelage, and full constitutionalism was very controversial. Supporters believed that it was the only way for China to democratize. Because of the lack of democratic experience, the China might have a constitution in name only, but they could not effectively implement the constitution. The constitution would be taken advantage of by a particular political faction or strongman.

A representative voice of the opponents was Hu Shih: “We can understand that Mr. Sun Yat-sen’s claims that a period of tutelage is necessary because he does not trust the Chinese people’s ability to participate in politics;” “The training the people need is civic life under the Constitution. The government and the party departments need training under in political life under the rule of law. ”

If a small number of people control politics, they will never allow the people to get training in modern politics. The most effective political training is to gradually open up political power and let the people get some experience in politics. To be blunt, if someone wants to learn how to swim, they must first go into the water. Those who learn to play the piano must first have a piano. Constitutionalism is the best training for constitutionalism. It turns out that Hu Shih was right. Sun Yat-sen merely used the military and political constitutional government as an excuse to oppose democratic reform. Chiang Kai-shek also used the theory of the three stage of military government, tutelage and then full constitutional government as an excuse to oppose democratic reform.

They did this to preserve the positions and personal advantages of Sun Yat-sen and of Chiang Kai-shek. Today the purpose of Chinese officials’ opposition to democratic reform is the same as that of Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek – in order to preserve their own positions and benefits. The poor education and character of ordinary people is also a good excuse for Chinese officials to oppose reforms that would establish a democratic system of government. Compared with the Chinese officials, Sun Yat-sen and even Chiang Kai-shek’s thinking was more progressive.

In socialist China, the people with have power, have money and have education rush to emigrate to the United States. The poor and the ignorant believe in Mao Zedong-style socialist equality make a pilgrimage to his Memorial Hall, believe that China’s wise leaders can solve their problems and so bring their petitions to the Petitioning Bureaus. Experts and scholars who support socialism traffick their lies on television and in the newspapers. Official official websites forbid netizens who support Western-style democracy and democratic institutions from speaking out. These websites do not display postings supporting Western-style democracy and democratic institutions. They only display statements in support of Chinese officials and of socialism.

Chinese officials say, on behalf of ordinary people, that only socialism is suitable for China, and Chinese officials say, again on behalf of ordinary people, that democracy is not suitable for China.

From the Financial Times Chinese language website http://www.ftchinese.com/profiles/wangchdq/comments


wangchdq 的个人评论中心

wangchdq在FT中文网公开发表的评论 (1091条)

2018-10-08 22:36:18对 儒教与西化,传统与现代——韩国国旗隐含的教育奥秘 的评论近百年来中国官员最大的谎言就是民主制度不适于中国,近百年来中国官员最大的谎言就是只有独裁适于中国。为了保住位子和好处慈禧拒绝君主立宪;为了保住位子和好处袁大头恢复帝制;为了保住位子和好处孙文弄出军政、训政、宪政;为了保住位子和好处蒋介石弄出“一个政党、一个领袖、一个主义、一个军队”;为了保住位子和好处毛泽东弄出社会主义;为了保住位子和好处邓小平弄出特色社会主义;为了保住位子和好处知青一代领导弄出可以无限连任的事。为了丑化和反对民主制度,中国官员用民主制度会造成社会混乱作为借口反对改成民主制度,中国官员不敢提的是因为没有改成民主制度,普通人民不能选举官员,官员不为普通人民说话和办事,特色社会主义下的维稳费用竟然超过了军费,普通人民一直生活困苦,普通人民一直受到官员的欺压,普通人民连话都不能随便说,普通人民到现在还没过上公平自由日子。

2018-10-08 21:20:37对 中国央行下调存款准备金率 的评论孙中山认为以当时中国国民的素质水平,暂时无法行使作为国家主人权力的能力,因此需要由中国国民党领导国民政府对国民的素质进行训练、教导,以开化民心。训政的最终目的就是实现将中华民国最终建设为民主的国家,即”宪政”的阶段。1923年1月29日,孙中山于《申报》五十周年纪念专刊上发表《中国革命史》一文,称:“从事革命者,于破坏敌人势力之外,不能不兼注意于国民建设能力之养成,此革命方略之所以必要也。余之革命方略,规定革命进行之时期为三:第一为军政时期,第二为训政时期,第三为宪政时期。”
军政、训政、宪政三阶段理论充满了争议,支持者认为这是中国民主化的必由道路,中国人由于缺乏民主经验,空有宪法之名,但无法有效履行宪法,反而会被某一政治集团或强人利用。反对者以胡适为代表:“我们可以明白中山先生的主张训政,只是因为他根本不信任中国人民参政的能力”;“人民需要的训练是宪法之下的公民生活。政府与党部诸公需要的训练是法治之下的政治生活。 “绝少数的人把持政治的权利是永不会使民众得着现代政治的训练的。最有效的政治训练,是逐渐放开政权,使人民亲身参加政治里得到一点政治训练。说句老实话,学游泳的人必须先下水,学弹琴的人必须先有琴弹。宪政是宪政的最好训练。”事实证明还是胡适对的,孙中山只是以军政训政宪政作为借口反对改成民主制度,蒋介石也是以军政训政宪政作为借口反对改成民主制度,以此保住孙中山和蒋介石的位子和好处,现在中国官员反对改成民主制度的目的与孙中山和蒋介石一样,都是为了保住位子和好处,而且普通人民素质低也是中国官员反对改成民主制度的一个好借口,相比较现在中国官员甚至不如孙中山和蒋介石的思想先进。
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Why do the Leaders of the Generation of “Educated Youth” Want to Restore the Planned Economy?

A September 29, 2018 comment posted after an article on the Financial Times Chinese language website.   A comment the same writer made just a few minutes previously, reviewing the history of Chinese reform, is at https://gaodawei.wordpress.com/2018/10/07/chinese-readers-comments-on-ft-chinese-language-website/

Comment from Wangchdq of Daqing City, Heilongjiang Province [other comment-articles by Wangchdq are available on the FT Chinese website.]

Why do the Leaders of the Generation of “Educated Youth” [Sent Down to the Countryside during the Cultural Revolution] Want to Restore the Planned Economy?

The old image of “The Nine Dragons Controlling the Irrigation Waters” [each in their own separate way and ineffectively] is a weak mode of leadership and cannot stop the inevitable evolution of things.

It is merely a path towards greater authoritarianism.

On January 14, 2018, Zhou Xincheng’s big theoretical article “The Communists Can Sum up their Theories in One sentence: the Elimination of Private Ownership”, published in the “Flags” commentary column, the article attacked the Central Party School, making accusations against the Central Party Schools and Colleges There are a group of anti-Marxist professors that were doing serious harm to the ideology of the Communist Party. Zhou Xincheng even went so far to accuse them of being “traitors.”

Naming Zhang Wuchang and Wu Jinglian as advocates for private ownership, Zhou Xincheng wrote:

“That kind of thinking had become such a “strongly implanted mindset” that that is so “into the hearts of the people” that when that blatantly anti-Party and anti-socialist neo-liberal Zhang Wuchang characterized China’s “reform experience” at a cadre meeting held by an economic management department, he screamed, “I can refute the ideology of the Soviet Union in just one sentence: human nature is selfish” and “The experience of Mainland China was a complete failure”, “The only way forward is privatization”.

The leading cadres present there not only do not refute him but instead they collected the talks of Zhang Wuchang and published them in an open publication. Wasn’t that a strange thing to happen in socialist China! I really don’t know if the oaths of those leading Party cadres were sincere or just a joke.”

That Zhou Xincheng would make a murderous Cultural Revolution-style critique like this means that he must have strong support. He is an honored senior professor and member of the National People’s Congress. If he did not have powerful backing, he would not have had the strength and the confidence to attack the Central Party School.”

Zhou Xincheng’s attack on the Central Party School and fight against people within the system who favor privatization such as Zhang Wuchang and He Jinglian reflects the paradox that the leaders of the generation of educated youth want to prepare public opinion for the restoration of the planned economy.

In fact, attacks on privatization is not the first sign of the preparation of public opinion. The restoration is already underway in the manner of slowly raising the water temperature to boil frogs in the manner of “work quietly, there is no need to shoot”. Ninety-five percent of the rural townships in China have supply and marketing co-operatives. The restoration of the planned economy has been carried out in the warm water boiled frogs. “Work quietly, don’t shoot.” 95% of the towns and villages in the country have a supply and marketing cooperatives; through them the planned economy system will be gradually restored.

“Over the past five years, China has restored more than 10,000 grassroots supply and marketing cooperatives, bringing the total up to 30,000. The rural township coverage rate has increased from 56% in 2012 to 95%.”

In other words, as early as the “Nineteenth National Congress of the Communist Party of China”, the restoration of the planned economy has already taken its first step.

At the end of January, the Communist Party Central Committee and the State Council issued the “Notice on Launching a Special Struggle Against Smuggling and to Eliminate Evil”. For the first time since 1983, after a lapse of 35 years, a “Strike Hard” campaign was underway once more.

Foreign exchange controls have never been more stringent. This is not a matter of already having exchanged the upper limit of 50,000 US dollars per person per year. No, now you will have trouble exchanging RMB for just a few hundred dollars in cash. That probably won’t work since new rule is: If you already have US dollars, you can take them.

Why do the leaders of the educated youth want to restore the planned economy? Under the impact of the five major crises of fewer young people, the collapse of manufacturing, the real estate bubble, breakdown in the social pension system, and the rapid decline of foreign exchange reserves, China’s economic collapse is close at hand. Without restoring the planned economy, there will be no way to maintain stability!

The planned economy is the socialist economy. In a purely planned economy, there is no market and so it it will not be affected by the crisis of the market economy. The planned economy generally does not have an economic crisis because it shares shortages among everyone and avoids the bubbles from excess supply. There is a risk there too – in fact, the planned economy is in crisis every day because it leads to shortages and widespread poverty.

The essence of socialism, to put it bluntly, is to “dismantle the East Wall and repair the West Wall”, that is, spreading share the losses some people are responsible for among the entire population, and giving the government great power to mobilize society through its planning of the economic system in order to implement this kind of “strict equality”.

Therefore, in a socialist society, economic problems are unlikely to threaten the regime in power.

Do not think for a moment that the government would be reluctant to restore the planned economy merely because it would be harmful to China’s economic development.

Reply Support (305) Against (21)

wangchdq 来自黑龙江省大庆市知青一代领导为什么要复辟计划经济?

而社会主义的本质,说穿了就是“拆东墙,补西墙”,即把一部分人造成的亏损,平摊到每一个人的头上,计划经济体制,就赋予了政府的最大社会动员力,以实行此种 “平摊”。

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Chinese Readers Comments on Financial Times Chinese Language Website

Reading comments from Chinese readers of websites such as the Financial Times Chinese language website is interesting. As much as the articles oftentimes. The site being outside China and frequented by Chinese business people, it escapes the heavy censorship that often afflicts websites located within the PRC.  Then comments on the comments and votes for and against.

The FT Chinese language website collects the comments of reader commenters. Some are articles in themselves by people who, due to Party media control, often find that they can’t comment in other fora without the article being taken down by censors.  For example, a collection of comments by wangchq, the author of the comment-article below. 

For example:

“From wangchdq of Daqing City, Heilongjiang Province
In Mao Zedong’s day, China had only state-owned enterprises. There were no private enterprises and foreign enterprises. Ordinary people could not go leave their home areas to go work elsewhere. Chinese state-owned enterprises ran at a loss, with low efficiency, backward products, no research and development, no competitiveness, few products for export. State-owned enterprises could provide employment for surplus agricultural labor. State-owned enterprises couldn’t even solve the problem of urban employment. The income of Chinese workers was very low. The countryside subsidized the cities, the peasants subsidized the state-owned enterprises, and the entire national economy was in a state of collapse. Only strict planning management and suppression by strong armed force enabled the state-owned enterprise system to function.

After reform, private enterprises and foreign enterprises were allowed. Ordinary people were allowed to work outside their home areas. Private enterprises and foreign enterprises were responsible for their own profits and losses. The Chinese economy showed some vitality.

With the increasing number of problems under socialism with Chinese characteristics, as China demands more and more people demand that China switch to a democratic system of governance, some Chinese officials have been dreamed of going back to Mao Zedong-style socialism. They dreaming of making bigger and better state-owned enterprises. They want to keep socialism going forever. Their dream is that China will never change into a democracy. They dream of a China in which the power and money of Chinese officials will be safeguarded for them and for their descendants. They treat ordinary Chinese people as if they were idiots.”.
Reply Support (294) Against (15)”

[another comment from the same person about where he thinks China is headed is translated in the next posting at https://gaodawei.wordpress.com/2018/10/07/why-do-the-leaders-of-the-generation-of-educated-youth-want-to-restore-the-planned-economy/]

“wangchdq 来自黑龙江省大庆市
回复 支持(294) 反对(15)”

Article: Shen Jianguang: Is Private Enterprise Regressing and State Enterprises Growing? Or are the Statistics all Fake? The Controversy About what industrial profits really are


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DPRK, USSR and China: Historians Shen Zhihua and Li Danhui at Wilson Center Book Launch

Today at the Wilson Center, Prof. Shen Zhihua spoke at the public launch of the 2018 English language version of his new book (with Prof. Yafeng Xia) on PRC – DPRK relations A Misunderstood Friendship: Mao Zedong, Kim Il-sung, and Sino-North Korean Relations, 1949 – 1976.


Prof. Li Danhui also introduced her new book, Mao and the Sino-Soviet Split at the book launch.

Li Danhui

At the book launch, Chinese historian of the Cold War Shen Zhihua 沈志华 explained (see video)  the traditional concept of the Heavenly Dynasty 天朝 that Mao Zedong applied to PRC – DPRK relations. Though he understood there were ups and downs and Koreans had a different perspective too!

Link to video: https://www.facebook.com/david.cowhig.77/videos/10214344466743006/



Prof. Shen said Mao Zedong at one point summarized the course of DPRK history this way: “The DPRK seedling was planted by the Soviet Union, uprooted by the Americans, replanted by the Chinese, and now has grown into a mature tree. And now it is disobedient!“

Prof. Shen said the idea of proletarian internationalism also resonated with the idea of a Heavenly Dynasty without borders, and the workers having no country but socialism.

Ten years ago while I was working in Chengdu, I came across Prof. Shen’s work online. I listened to an MP3 of his book Mao, Stalin and the Korean War based in part on research in Russian archives. Great book!

My State FSO friend Neil Silver translated the book some years ago. https://www.amazon.com/Mao-Stalin-Korean-War-T…/…/0415748127

I also attended the morning session “Chinese Foreign Relations under Mao: New Sources and Perspectives” that including an introduction to recent English translations of declassified Chinese diplomatic archives now on the Wilson Center Digital Archive.   https://digitalarchive.wilsoncenter.org/collections


 Wilson Digital Archive


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2002: Wired China: Many Hands on Many Switches

Round-Table on Internet and Free Flow of Information in China

Statement by David Cowhig, Wired China: Many Hands on Many Switches

Presented to the Congressional-Executive Commission on China
April 15, 2002
I would like to share with you some thoughts about China and the Internet based on my five years covering the Internet for the Environment, Science and Technology Section of the U.S. Embassy in Beijing. These are my own observations and musings about how Internet fits into the Chinese social and political system. My views expressed here do not reflect the views of the U.S. government and are not a policy prescription of any kind.

When asking the question “Whose Hand is on the Switch?” about the Internet in China we need to bear in mind that there are many hands and many switches. Chinese provincial and local governments and indeed various parts of the central government have far greater coordination problems than we experience among the federal, state and local governments in the United States.

China might be thought of as a decentralized de facto federal state that lacks federal institutions that facilitate central control and coordination such as the federal court system and regional offices of central government ministries. China is best understood not so much as a Big Brother state but as a loose collection of thousands of provincial and local Party and government little brothers. Many of the provincial little brothers have only nominal allegiance to Big Brother in Beijing. Local officials want to control media not just for Beijing’s purposes but also to prevent Beijing to know about their own shortcomings. Many orders and regulations from the central government are ignored from the outset or forgotten after only a few months.

One corollary of the China’s shortcomings in the rule of law area is that local governments are not conscientious in obeying orders from Beijing. The result has been that the central government implements policies by national campaigns that are intense for a short time but then swiftly fade away.  New regulations are issued not as amendments to old ones but as de novo regulations – apparently a tacit admission that the old ones have faded from memory. Government by political campaign as a Chinese government style is gradually fading as more laws are written down, as China’s leaders keep insisting that “officials really should be carrying out their duties according to the law” and as the public learns more about the text of laws and about legal procedures.

Improved public knowledge of the law is in some small part one of the benefits of the Internet for China. Although the movement away from government by campaign can be seen in that campaigns are much less disruptive than they were in the past, being aware of the “government by campaign” phenomenon can help us better understand China and the Internet.

What does this mean for the Internet? New tough rules are issued each year but are not systematically enforced. Where enforced, enforcement fades after a few months. Last Spring visiting two dozen “net cafes” in Hunan, I was never asked to produce any ID before using the computer nor was anyone else. Often regulations requiring identification of users were posted prominently on the wall.

Although web bar management is supposed to check that clients are not surfing subversive websites, in practice no one pays attention to which sites net café clients are visiting. One could say that the rules were observed only in the sense that one could observe them posted prominently on the wall. Most of the clientele were in their twenties who paid about 3 RMB per hour (25 US cents) to use a computer for online chat, games watching movies (pirate copies of movies were on the café LAN) and browsing websites. The Changsha, Hunan police estimated in Spring 2001 that there were 1000 web cafes in the city. Web cafes in China have a very fuzzy definition that can include not only web cafes but also computer gaming parlors frequented by truant high school students and underground locales that show pornographic films on  their computer local area networks. The Changsha police in their spring 2001 crackdown told local newspapers that they were focusing on the pornographic web bars.

Chinese internet sites are supposed to conform to the same general guidelines as the media. See the October 2000 State Council Internet Information Management Regulations

  • Threatening national security, leaking state secrets, overthrowing the government, and harming national unity;
  • Harming the reputation or interests of the state;
  • Fanning ethnic hatred, discrimination on the basis of nationality, and harming the unity of China’s nationalities;
  • Harming the state religious policy, propagandizing for evil religions or feudal superstition;
  • Spreading false rumors, pornography, gambling, violence, murder, intimidation;
  • Insulting or slandering someone, infringing on the legal rights of others;
  • Other actions that are contrary to law or administrative regulations.

These regulations, like most Chinese regulations, are so broad that they can be interpreted many different ways. Websites are expected not to originate news – which web managers in turn interpret as meaning don’t originate news that is politically sensitive. Many Chinese websites carry news gathered from the 100-plus Chinese newspapers that are online. Thus the news on the web, especially breaking news, is not
much better than found in the print press. Some websites, such as Sina.com (http://www.sina.com.cn)  allow readers to leave their own comments about a news story. Sometimes these comments are much more interesting than the news stories themselves. If a newspaper somewhere in China does print a relatively daring story, the story will often be picked up by websites throughout the country.

Bad news about corrupt local government in a province often appears in a local paper in another province since the authorities in the other province just don’t care so much about suppressing bad news from other provinces. This information can then leak into the first province over the net. Indeed, local officials suppress information not just to prevent their own people from knowing about a problem but also to prevent higher authorities at the provincial or national level to know that the glowing reports they send
upwards are not entirely correct.

One dramatic illustration of the power of the Internet in China came after local officials in Jiangxi Province tried to suppress news of an explosion in an elementary school fireworks factory that killed several dozen schoolchildren. Efforts by local officials to falsely claim that a mad bomber and not illegal fireworks assembly was involved was frustrated by a combination of Chinese journalists and the flow of information around China on the Internet.

Often local officials succeed in keeping information from reaching Beijing. At other times Beijing knows but pretends not to know for to reveal that it knows but can do nothing would amount to a confession of impotence. One example of how news of a local disaster spreads on the Internet despite efforts by the local government to suppress is the report “Revealing the ‘Blood Wound’ of the Spread of HIV/AIDS in Henan Province” spread around China on websites and email about the HIV/AIDS disaster in Henan
Province. A translation of the report is available at [via Internet Archive] http://www.usembassy-china.org.cn/sandt/henanhiv.htm

Sometimes after a big event in China or abroad, more information and commentary does leak into China over the Internet from dissident email publications such as VIP Reference (http://www.bignews.org/) as well as the Huaxia Digest (from http://www.cnd.org ), the VOA’s Chinese language email news service.  The sending email servers of the first two email publications are blocked and so the originating server often changed. VOA Chinese email news is blocked and unblocked depending mostly upon the ups and downs of U.S. – China relations but also upon whether a politically sensitive domestic news event has occurred.

News from some foreign Chinese newspapers, including, interestingly enough, some critical reports from the Singapore Morning News (Zaobao) regularly figure prominently on Chinese news websites. The value added one sees on the web site includes reports from provincial newspapers in faraway Chinese cities that one ordinarily wouldn’t see (out-of-town newspapers are not so easy to get hold of unless you subscribe)
and the ability to do searches and compare reports over time and from many different sources. Just as with newspapers and magazines, for websites commercial pressures tend to increase the diversity and freedom of information since more attractive media is also of course more viable in a highly competitive environment.

A great variety of Chinese language books and periodicals are available online. The cost of getting online continues to fall, especially in Internet cafes where the use of a local area network brings connections costs down even lower than they are at home. Online bookstores have appeared in China, although severe problems in the areas of credit (few Chinese have credit cards); distribution and resolution of consumer
complaints still severely constrain the development of online services in China. Many books, including some banned publications, are also available at minimal cost on CD-ROM as well as online. Although web content regulations apply to online forums as much as anything else on the net, the sheer volume of messages and it seems oftentimes the reluctance of monitors to cut short interesting conversations.

Although the 15 million users of the Chinese Internet are very few compared to China’s 1.3 billion population, the Internet is increasingly arriving in every small town. Together with the rapid expansion of the inter-provincial highway network, the accelerated pace of countryside to city labor migration, the Internet is part of some of the most significant phenomena of the last decade – the shrinking of the distance between urban and rural China and urban China’s penetration of rural life.

The Chinese government’s “Government Online” project (http://www.gov.cn) has put thousands of Chinese government offices online. Many Chinese laws and regulations are now available online for citizens to consult and act on – already an important progress from the days just a few years ago when “confidential regulations” made it very difficult for citizens to dispute officials on points of law.

Chinese language translations of free market philosophers such as Friedrich Hayek are available online on many web sites such as Issues and Ideology (http://www.wtyzy.com ). Just as discussions in deep or lengthy Chinese academic books can be surprisingly open (perhaps the censors give up after the first 20 pages?), so too are direct contradictions of China’s official political and economic ideology common on the more academic websites.

Some of these articles criticize by analogy. An example is an article reprinted from the January 2002 issue of “Yellow River”, Li Xianzhi’s meditation on the last ten years of
Lu Xun’s life 【 鲁迅的最后十年(1927-1936) 林贤治 】   considers Lu’s critique of one party dictatorship. This article is on the Issues and Ideology website at [the now defunct website] http://www.wtyzy.net/linxianzhilxunzhou.htm. The analysis fits the Communist people’s democratic dictatorship perfectly but of course Lu Xun was talking about Chiang Kai-shek’s Nationalist Party.

These websites regularly come under pressure,some have closed, but many very interesting ones are still out there. Forum monitors are required to delete “subversive” messages on China’s many open discussion fora, including the sometimes very lively “Strong Country Forum” (http://bbs.people.com.cn/ ) run by the tongue of the Communist Party of China — the People’s Daily.

The state of the web in China reflects the uncertain state of China itself. Most Chinese, including most Communist Party members, want a more democratic and more open society. China’s communist leaders fear that the development and modernization brings will help bring will shake their hold on power and lead to social instability. A Chinese provincial vice governor said a few years ago, “We are the guardians of a dead religion but must hold on for the sake of social stability.”

China’s Internet itself, much more an emblem of modernity and progress than in the United States, will likely trace a wavering path alternating between greater opening as China moves towards greater modernization and progress and tightening at times when the Chinese leadership fears that new ideas and news that might tend to weaken the Party’s control.

U.S. Embassy Beijing reports on the Internet in China are available at [via Internet Archive] http://www.usembassychina.org.cn/sandt/sandtbak-hp.html#Internet%20and%20Computers

Several translations and summaries of press clippings from Chinese news reports about the Internet are available at http://www.usembassy-china.org.cn/sandt/sandsrc.htm

A list of some of China’s more interesting online bookstores and discussion websites can be found at “Beijing Bookworm” at http://www.usembassy-china.org.cn/english/sandt/bjbkwrm.html

David Cowhig returned to the United States in July 2001 after nine years in Okinawa, Taipei and Beijing.

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