Two “Mao” translations for Mao’s 130th birthday:
- The CCTV 1 programming flub (?) that offended the Maoists
- Mao Zedong and Revealing the Beginnings of the Cultural Revolution an assessment of Mao followed by a discussion of his falling out with his nominal #2 Liu Shaoqi. This set the stage for Mao’s coup against the Party and government — the Cultural Revolution.
A CCTV 1, the general programming channel of the PRC state broadcaster (one of the 50 or so CCTV broadcast channels) newscast on December 26 reported on Mao Zedong’s 130th birthday. The report mentioned the issuance of Mao commemorative stamps and then cut to a report on a dried meat entrepreneur in the countryside. Could Chairman Mao here, considering that he still resides in the Chairman Mao Memorial Hall (毛主席纪念堂) have been compared to dried meat? Once in Beijing I was deeply shocked to hear Chairman Mao referred to as “peasant under glass”.
Some protested that this was disrespectful to the former Party Secretary who in his time was revered as the Great Red Sun in Our Hearts are the reverse side of some of the Mao badges worn by tens? hundreds? of millions of Chinese in Mao’s day.
Political criticism and jokes in China tend to be subtle in order to have plausible deniability. Guardians of political correctness need to be hyper-sensitive so that undercover slams do not go unnoticed or unpunished. Political jokes in China are a major field of study — I’ve collected some on this translation blog.
Mao Zedong, once Chairman Mao, is now referred to in China as Comrade Mao Zedong. Mao in 1966 “Already they treat me like a dead ancestor, making offerings to me at the temple, decorating my portrait with gold, and tied up in a bundle and placed on a high shelf!” “他们把我当作死去的祖先，供在庙里，涂了金粉，束之高阁” For more see 2011: Mao Zedong on Life and Death
China has politics too — don’t want to get the neo-Maoists and aging Red Guards riled up and suspect a deep state (or deep Party) conspiracy against the former Great Helmsman.
Mao, once everything, now is taken with some reserve even by the Party since his death or at least since the transitional Two Whatevers period. ”We will resolutely uphold whatever policy decisions Chairman Mao made, and unswervingly follow whatever instructions Chairman Mao gave” (凡是毛主席作出的决策，我们都坚决维护；凡是毛主席的指示，我们都始终不渝地遵循).
Mao’s legacy is officially two-thirds positive and one-third negative. Some would reverse this ratio; some would go further as one Chinese person told me during my time in China saying “We Chinese know what fascism is!“
Mao’s cult of personality and now the intensifying celebration of Xi Jinping Thought in China makes the topic of personality cults in China ever more topical. Reminds me of the famous words of Marie Antoinette’s son, the future Louis XVIII to her in 1793 “Mommy, isn’t yesterday over yet?” « Maman, est-ce qu’hier n’est pas fini ? »
The story was reported on the Teacher Li is Not Your Teacher account on Twitter
On December 26, CCTV-1 News in 30 Minutes” program, after reporting on the commemorative stamps for the 130th anniversary of the birth of Comrade Mao Zedong, the camera turned and immediately aired a special report on “bacon”, which used a longer section to broadcast a news story about a farmer who made bacon and became rich, which was suspected to be “insulting” to Mao. Mao”.
CCTV has since deleted the video clip, but it has sparked discussion among Maoist groups.
December 26th CCTV Joint News Broadcast on 130th Birthday of Mao
The evening joint broadcast theme didn’t make this mistake. The theme was “CPC Central Committee holds forum to commemorate 130th anniversary of Comrade Mao Zedong’s birth, Xi Jinping delivers important speech | CCTV News 20231226”
From that broadcast:
The CPC Central Committee held a symposium to commemorate the 130th anniversary of the birth of Comrade Mao Zedong Xi Jinping delivered an important speech, emphasizing that the cause initiated by Comrade Mao Zedong should continue to be pushed forward to comprehensively promote the construction of a strong country and national rejuvenation in a great cause with Chinese-style modernization.
The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) held a symposium at the Great Hall of the People on the morning of the 26th to commemorate the 130th anniversary of the birth of Comrade Mao Zedong. Xi Jinping, General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, President of the State Council and Chairman of the Central Military Commission, delivered an important speech. He emphasized that Comrade Mao Zedong is a great Marxist, a great proletarian revolutionary, strategist and theorist, a great pioneer in the Chineseization of Marxism, a great founder of the cause of China’s socialist modernization and construction, a great patriot and national hero of China since modern times, the core of the first generation of the Party’s Central Leadership Collective, and a great man who led the Chinese people to radically change their destiny and the face of the country. He is a great man of his generation who led the Chinese people to radically change their destiny and the face of the country, and a great internationalist who made great contributions to the liberation of the oppressed peoples of the world and the cause of human progress. Mao Zedong Thought is a precious spiritual treasure of our Party and will guide our actions for a long time. The best way to honor Comrade Mao Zedong is to continue to push forward the cause he started.
From Chinese Central Televisions Joint Broadcast on the evening of December 26, 2023 Full transcript is online (full text in Chinese, machine translated (GT) English)
Evaluating the legacy of Mao is difficult since he is linked to many of the ups and downs of the Chinese Communist Party and thus its political legitimacy.
From the Baidu online encyclopedia article on Mao Zedong
A 2019 Chinese language blog post perhaps written outside of the PRC on the popular discussion forum Culture City wenxue cheng discusses the difficulties of biography and of Mao biography and tries to steer a middle way between Saint Mao and Devil Mao. This first excerpt covers the intensifying feud between the semi-retired Mao and PRC State Chairman Liu Shaoqi.
Thus far I haven’t found any scholarly apparatus or sources for the Mao – Liu tensions that was one of the main causes of the Cultural Revolution — representing too the materialist-idealist rapid move towards Communism of line Mao vs. the pragmatic (after after the Mao disasters of the late 1950s much more successful (and bureaucratizing) leadership) of Liu Shaoqi. Yang Jisheng’s massive work (2000 pages) 天地翻覆——中國文化大革命史 (parts of which have been summary-translated into English) on the Cultural Revolution relies heavily on the memoirs of Chinese Party and governm ent officials.
On this translation blog I’ve put quite a few translations of articles by Chinese writers that you can find under the category Cultural Revolution .
I found the the first ten excerpts online at 《毛泽东与文革大起底》连载一（1-10节） along with the PDF of the 1350 page 2012 book by the same authors 破解文革毛泽东 崇新岳、百思峰 著 [Unravelling the Riddle of Mao Zedong and the Cultural Revolution by Chong Xinyue and Bai Sifeng]
I have added some links to references that might may help understand the context of this first in a series of book excerpts.
Mao Zedong and Revealing the Beginnings of the Cultural Revolution
Serial 1
毛泽东与文革大起底 连载1 （ 作者 ：崇新岳、百思峰）
(2019-08-02 10:06:04)
by Chong Xinyue, and Bai Sifeng
August 2, 2019
Foreword:
I have read many biographies about the Cultural Revolution, but this is undoubtedly the most detailed, profound, fair, and historically valuable work.
But perhaps precisely because of this, this masterpiece has suffered an unpleasant fate from both sides: although the CCP hates the author’s honest historical writing, the West also hates the author’s fairness in returning Mao’s true colors. I think this is the reason why this work has not been published yet.
It’s hard to tell the truth, but it is a common thing in the world. But the truth is the strongest voice in the end, and it is inevitable throughout the ages. This is enough to comfort Chong Xinyue and Bai Sifeng.
I am not talented enough, but I am willing to serve as a voluntary porter to reprint this work, so I pay tribute to the author and share the good news. Isn’t it a meaningful career!
Without further ado, let’s read the text:
Mao Zedong and the Great Beginning of the Cultural Revolution ( 001 )
Original authors: Chong Xinyue, Bai Sifeng
Preface (1)
Mr. Hu Shih, the standard-bearer of the New Culture Movement at the beginning of the last century, devoted his life to the development of biographical literature in China. He once said: “The most lacking and underdeveloped thing in China is biographical literature. Over the past two thousand years, there have been almost no reliable biographies.” “中国最缺乏最不发达的是传记文学，二千年来几乎没有一篇可读的传记。”
What is biographical literature? It is difficult to give a precise definition, but we can succinctly give biographical literature such a position: “Biographic literature is an objective and true historical story told to the people.”
It is boring to ask the people to study word for word. Professional history papers, or so-called “official history”, are obviously unrealistic. As a Chinese, very few people have read the official history “Records of the Three Kingdoms“, 三国志 but countless people have read The Romance of the Three Kingdoms. Because “Records of the Three Kingdoms” official dynastic history is written for experts and scholars, its interest and readability are very poor; while “Romance of the Three Kingdoms” is written for the public, and its first priority is interest and readability, so it has won countless readers.
However, the popular “Romance of the Three Kingdoms” can only be regarded as “literature” and cannot be regarded as “biographical literature” because its authenticity is too poor. Even if it cannot be said to be “wantonly tampering with history”, it is too far from the real history. , not too much. The author of “The Romance of the Three Kingdoms” did not objectively describe this period of history from the perspective of a third party, but stood entirely from the perspective of the characters in the book, exalting Liu Bei and belittling Cao Cao in violation of historical reality. This is contrary to The principle of “authenticity” in biographical literature.
The topic turns to our main topic: Mao Zedong and the Cultural Revolution. There are now countless books about the Cultural Revolution and Mao Zedong in China. We will not discuss professional academic papers in this area here, but will specifically discuss “popular books” written for the public. Although the number of such readings is not small, most of them are not satisfactory, which once again confirms what Mr. Hu Shi said a hundred years ago: “The most lacking and underdeveloped thing in China is biographical literature.” 虽说这种读物的数量也不算少，但绝大部分并不让人满意，又再一次印证了百年前胡适先生的话：“中国最缺乏最不发达的是传记文学”。
There are currently three major problems with books about Mao Zedong and the Cultural Revolution:
- The first major problem is that the political stances of books about Mao are too strong. Many authors do not speak from the perspective of a third party outside the book, as a bystander, but the author himself jumps into the book and speaks from the perspective of the characters in the book. Such a book will either become a propaganda material for the author to promote his own political ideas, or else he will be afraid of political pressure and be restrained from speaking freely, thus failing to meet the requirements of “biographical literature”.
- The second major problem is the lack of objectivity in material selection. Real historical figures can never be simply classified as “good guys” or “bad guys”. Every historical figure has things that make him glorious and things that make him disgraceful. When selecting materials to describe historical figures, we should be objective and fair, choosing both the glorious things and the disgraceful things about him. Just as Lu Xun emphasized, the whole person must be taken into consideration when writing biographies. Lu Xun said: “If there is a choice, it means that the person is not a whole person. If you add more exaggerations, you will be further away from the truth. For example, a warrior also fights, rests, eats, and naturally has sex. If you only take the last bit of him, paint a portrait, and hang it Of course, it cannot be said that being respected as a master of sexual intercourse in a brothel is groundless, but it is not unfair!”
Nowadays, books about Mao Zedong and the Cultural Revolution are very biased in the selection of materials, otherwise they will only single out Mao Zedong. The glorious things will turn Mao Zedong into a living god who serves the people wholeheartedly; otherwise, he will focus on Mao Zedong’s disgraceful things and demonize Mao Zedong into a living devil who takes pleasure in torturing people. Of course, the glory and disgrace of Mao Zedong mentioned in those books are not baseless fabrications, but to “qualify” Mao Zedong based on one-sided facts is just like Lu Xun said, “Isn’t it unfair!” - The third big problem is the lack of analysis at a historical level. The author is too entangled in the details of some trivial events and lacks analysis and insights from a historical perspective. As the proverb goes, “you can only see the trees but not the forest.” A historical giant like Mao Zedong must stand on a historical level to understand what he did.
Because of the above problems, we felt the need to write a new concept of “biographical literature” to explain the story of Mao Zedong and the Cultural Revolution to the public. We strictly abide by the standards of biographical literature and strive to achieve the following points:
- First, it must be interesting and readable, and become reading materials that the people “can understand” and “like to read”.
- Second, you must position yourself as a third party spectator, do not become the spokesperson of the characters in the book, and do not speak from the standpoint of the characters in the book.
- Third, the selection of materials must be fair, choosing both honorable things and disgraceful events.
- Fourth, we must be as close to the historical reality as possible. Of course, the so-called “reality” here can only be relative reality, not absolute reality. If it were absolutely true and Mao Zedong’s speech was copied word for word, it would become a historical archive and completely lose its readability.
At this point, readers may have questions: “Do you have any exclusive secret materials? Why do you say that the stories you write are true?” Our answer is: use logical reasoning and go through historical details one by one. Deduction tests the truth of history.
This method of logical reasoning is widely used to solve cases. Prisoners generally do not tell the truth about the case, so if the prisoner himself does not tell the truth, won’t we be able to know the truth about the case? No! Like Sherlock Holmes, we can use various clues and logical reasoning to finally deduce the truth of the case.
Here, we treat the Cultural Revolution and Mao Zedong as a historical case to detect or solve, summarize the scattered historical details, find out the development context of historical events from each seemingly unrelated historical event, and finally use logic The method of reasoning was used to deduce the truth of this historical case.
We have adopted a new writing form here, dividing the whole book into two relatively independent parts: the text part and the review part. The main text emphasizes readability and interest, and is a completely independent chapter; while the comments are supplementary explanations of some historical events mentioned in the main text. Interested friends can read the comments to gain a deeper understanding of historical events. The ins and outs; for those who are not interested, just read the main text.
In addition, we also try to make some comments on historical events from a historical perspective, striving to reveal the historical truth to readers while also bringing some philosophical insights or insights to readers, so that readers can understand through the historical reality. The beauty of literature is to understand Mao Zedong and some of the people around him, and to understand Mao Zedong’s era.
Finally, I quote a sage’s motto: Reading is not to make you believe in the conclusions in the book, but to make you think. [End of “Foreword”]
(Written on December 26, 2012. On the occasion of Mao Zedong’s 119th birthday)
Introduction to Mao Zedong’s Birthday Banquet (1)
On December 26, 1964, on a snowy day, in front of the famous Juxiang Bookstore in Zhongnanhai, on the spotless snow that no one had stepped on, an old but graceful man appeared. The tall figures moved one behind the other, left and right, twisting and turning, without rules, rhythm, or precedent. If this was not in the solemn Zhongnanhai, if it was not in front of the distinguished leader’s study, if it was not in the heavily guarded No. 1 key garrison area in the country, our readers might think that a trance-like old man is walking into your field of vision. You may also suspect that I am creating an unfounded martial arts weirdo out of thin air, or maybe…
No, it’s neither. This person is a normal person with the same emotions and desires as us. This person who enters your field of vision is the leader who has influenced the people with his will for the longest time in Chinese history since Qin Shihuang unified China. It has also been since the Yan’an Rectification in 1942. The uncrowned emperor who has been praised and cursed by people for seventy years… It goes without saying that he is Mao Zedong!
Mao Zedong is as tall as a giant as he is praised by his subjects. Among any group of people, no matter from which angle, the first thing you see at a glance must be Mao Zedong. This natural kingly demeanor enables him to reveal a sacred and inviolable majesty and leadership style among the senior cadres around him, or when he is among the masses, making people subconsciously awe, and even Feel the awe of being in the presence of God.
However, what does not match Mao Zedong’s tall body is his appearance that can be called kind-hearted. His eyes were neither majestic nor intelligent, but slightly slanted like a woman’s. The fat nose was the mark of a Shaoshan person. The small but thick lips could not be associated with his habit of scolding his mother. But if viewed from the side at an angle of thirty degrees, Mao Zedong’s face, with his large and long earlobes propped up, can really be said to be the face of a Buddha!
At first glance, Mao Zedong’s brave figure and benevolent appearance are contradictory. However, when these contradictions exist in the same person, the person’s personality has a sense of awe and affinity. At this time, people’s ideal A leader is born.
Mao Zedong was always unique in doing things, and sleep was no exception. Ancient sages followed the natural rhythm of “rising when the sun rises, falling to bed when the sun sets”. They further believe that they are the sons of God and will move together with the universe and the earth created by God. Mao Zedong’s sleep was just the opposite. When he just woke up, it happened to be the time when the children at school had finished their studies for the day, or when the factory workers were about to get off work after finishing their work for the day, at five o’clock in the afternoon.
Why is Mao Zedong dancing so happily here? Only the guards know this secret. It turned out that Mao Zedong was doing his own gymnastics, his own unique and unique Mao-style gymnastics. However, Mao Zedong did not do this Mao-style gymnastics every day. What he hated most in his life was following rules, so don’t expect to find anything stereotyped in him. However, the confidential secretary knew that every time Mao Zedong finished this erratic Mao-style gymnastics, China would probably undergo a sudden change.
This day is December 26, 1964, Mao Zedong’s 71st birthday.
Mao Zedong was the first person in thePeople’s Republic, and he did not have the custom of treating himself to guests on his birthday. The Chinese Communist Party has gone through a long and arduous war, and high-level Communist Party cadres are in an unpredictable situation every day, so no one cares about whose birthday it is, let alone holds a birthday party for someone.
But today, after getting enough sleep, Mao Zedong went to the small banquet hall of the Great Hall of the People energetically to attend his first birthday party, inviting his old comrades, famous labor models, scientists and The staff around you. Those invited include veteran cadres of the Red Army who shared the joys and sorrows of the Long March, Liu Shaoqi, Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaoping, Luo Ruiqing, Tao Zhu and his wife, Li Fuchun and his wife, Bo Yibo, Hu Yaobang…, as well as labor models Chen Yonggui, Dong Jiageng, scientist Qian Xuesen, etc. , a total of forty people.
These people were all excited that they could attend the birthday banquet of the leader of the People’s Republic. Of course, they were also extremely proud. Many of them even didn’t sleep a wink last night, and each went to the birthday banquet of the leader of the Republic with the best wishes. Everyone has no doubt that this may affect their political career and influence their official career. For today’s birthday banquet, Zhongnanhai had been buzzing with discussions. According to reliable sources, the list of people attending today’s banquet were all personally approved by Mao Zedong himself.
But in fact, this birthday party was not planned by Mao Zedong himself, but was specially suggested and planned by Tao Zhu, Luo Ruiqing and others. If you want to know why Tao Zhu and Luo Ruiqing planned this birthday party for Mao Zedong, we need to explain the major foreshadowing that triggered this party, which was an enlarged meeting of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee held between December 15 and 28, 1964. .
Comments: Mao Zedong’s Miracle (1)
In China’s five thousand years of history, there are only three people who rose from humble beginnings to become the country’s supreme rulers. They are:
- Liu Bang, the founder of the Han Empire,
- Zhu Yuanzhang, the founder of the Ming Empire, and
- Mao Zedong, founder of the PRC.
From a commoner with nothing to becoming the supreme ruler of the world, this is a miracle in every sense. Such a miracle has only happened three times in China’s five thousand years of history, averaging only once in more than a thousand years. It can be said to be a miracle among miracles.
Why was Mao Zedong able to achieve such a miracle? There are four major factors that created him. These four factors are: era factors, personality factors, wisdom factors and luck factors.
The first is the factor of the times. As the saying goes, “Heroes emerge from troubled times.” The above three lucky people, from commoners to supreme rulers, were all born in troubled times. If Mao Zedong had been born in today’s peaceful environment, a person like him with only a college degree would have been better off becoming a middle school teacher. Therefore, if those who want to be heroes, and those who have the ability to become heroes, are unfortunately born in a peaceful era, they have no other choice but to lament that they were “born at the wrong time.”
From this point of view, Mao Zedong was lucky to be “born at the right time.” Of course, there are many people who are “born at the right time”. Why is Mao Zedong the successful one? This cannot help but talk about Mao Zedong’s character factors.
Liu Bang, Zhu Yuanzhang and Mao Zedong all have a common character trait, which is “not afraid of the sky, not afraid of the earth, not afraid of anything.” They were all born and raised in this ancient land, with a simple local temperament, and they fought with their bare hands. The world. They do not have great ancestors, so they do not have to worry about damaging the reputation of their ancestors; they have not read many books, and they are not bound by the thoughts of sages and saints. As early as when he was a student, the young Mao Zedong wrote: “Don’t be afraid of heaven, don’t be afraid of ghosts, don’t be afraid of the dead, don’t be afraid of bureaucrats, don’t be afraid of warlords, don’t be afraid of capitalists.” In this world, Mao Zedong was not afraid of anything! This is the character factor of his success.
Anyone who has achieved great things can be described in four words as “brave and resourceful”, and Mao Zedong is no exception. He has both extraordinary courage and extraordinary wisdom. Many people understand “wisdom” as the amount of knowledge and test scores. This is totally wrong. The so-called wisdom, for scientists, is the ability to “understand nature and transform nature”; for politicians, it is the ability to “understand society and transform society.”
Mao Zedong’s wisdom first reflected his extraordinary ability to understand society and correctly understood the characteristics of Chinese society. On this basis, he proposed the idea of “surrounding the cities from the countryside.” After twenty-two years of struggle, he finally led the Communist Party Conquered the world of mainland China. Many people dismissed Mao Zedong’s idea of ”encircling the cities from the countryside” and thought it was nothing great. In fact, this was not the case. The mainstream trend within the Communist Party at that time was “riots and uprisings in big cities”, and basically no one supported Mao Zedong’s “rural areas surrounding cities”. The reason for this is that according to “normal thinking”, “big city uprising” is much more reasonable and realistic than “rural areas surrounding cities”.
The first major problem with the idea of encircling the cities from the countryside is the issue of time. Encircling cities from the countryside is a slow process of “a single spark starting a priarie fire”. It takes decades of hard work to seize power across the country. In fact, Mao Zedong struggled for 22 years from Jinggangshan to Tiananmen before he succeeded. The “big city uprising” is a quick and immediate process, and it only takes a few months or even a few days to seize national power. Most people shake their heads when they see that it will take decades for “rural areas to encircle cities“, because there are too few people with the patience to grind an iron rod into a needle.
For example, if you say to a venture capitalist: “You invest in me, I will make you a billionaire in twenty years.” I am afraid that no investor will patronize you; and you say to a venture capitalist: “You Invest in me, and I will make you a billionaire in two days.” No matter how big the risk is, there will be investors willing to take it, after all, this overnight success is too attractive.
If no one came to invest, Mao Zedong would do it himself. In 1927, the Party Central Committee headquarters in the Shanghai Concession ordered Mao Zedong to lead the peasant army of the Autumn Harvest Uprising to attack the large city of Changsha. However, Mao Zedong violated the orders of his superiors and took the peasant army to Jinggangshan and began to implement his idea of ”surrounding the city from the countryside.” . After Mao Zedong went to Jinggangshan, almost no one thought that Mao Zedong would succeed, because in their view, Jinggangshan was a red island surrounded by enemies on all sides, and there were too many problems that could not be solved in fighting guerrillas on an isolated island.
- The first problem is how to solve the problem of food for the army? The solution proposed by Mao Zedong was: attack the local tyrants, divide their land among the peasants, and use the money and grain of the landlords and rich peasants to solve the food problem.
- The second problem is how to solve the problem of weapons and equipment? The solution proposed by Mao Zedong is: the enemy creates weapons for us, and we use the weapons captured from the enemy to arm ourselves.
- The third problem is how to solve the problem of soldiers? The solution proposed by Mao Zedong is: tell the people that the Red Army is a soldier of workers and peasants who liberates poor peasants, and mobilizes poor peasants to join the army to liberate themselves.
- The fourth problem, and the most important one, is that these soldiers are armed with native guns and cannons, how can the ragtag peasant army defeat the well-equipped and well-trained regular government troops?
Even today, the vast majority of so-called “wise old men” who think with “wisdom” will believe that the peasant army will lose and the government army will win. In their view, Mao Zedong’s idea of relying on the peasant army to defeat the government army was completely a fool’s errand. But the facts of the war proved that the peasant army led by Mao Zedong not only defeated Chiang Kai-shek’s government troops, but also grew stronger as they fought, and finally won a nationwide victory.
In the face of facts, all the “clever tricks” thought up by wise old men failed, but the “nonsense” invented by Mao Zedong, a foolish old man, succeeded. Only then did people admire Mao Zedong’s profound understanding of Chinese society, and what a rare and innovative thinking it was to “encircle the cities from the countryside” based on this profound understanding. Mao Zedong changed from a fool who was ridiculed to a respected leader.
The last factor in Mao Zedong’s success was luck. Mao Zedong came across once-in-a-lifetime opportunities many times. The first opportunity was the outbreak of the Anti-Japanese War, which everyone knows. The other opportunity was the outbreak of the Soviet-German War. Not many people seem to know about this. I will say a few words here.
From its inception, the Communist Party of China was a branch under the leadership of the Communist International (Comintern) and the Soviet Union. The top leaders of the Communist Party of China had always been appointed by the Comintern and the Soviet Union.
After the Zunyi Conference, although Mao Zedong became the top leader of the Chinese Communist Army, he never gained the favor of the Comintern and the Soviet Union. Therefore, the top leader of the Chinese Communist Party never had a relationship with Mao Zedong, while Wang Ming relied on the “favor of the Comintern and the Soviet Union”. “The Supreme Emperor” became the supreme leader of the Chinese Communist Party. However, the Soviet-German War that broke out in 1941 became a god-given opportunity for Mao Zedong’s rise.
In the early days of the Soviet-German War, the Soviet army was severely defeated. At that time, it was generally believed that Hitler’s Nazi Germany would win and Stalin’s Communist Soviet Union would lose. Once the Soviet Union was defeated, what would the CCP do? The “International Faction” within the CCP, which was dependent on the Soviet Union, was in constant panic and was in disarray. They all found their own way out and moved closer to Mao Zedong’s “Shangou Faction“山沟派 who did not rely on the Soviet Union. At first, Kang Sheng came to join him, but in the end, even Wang Ming, the leader of the international faction, had to join Mao Zedong, shouting “Long live Chairman Mao.”
After the Soviet-German war broke out in June 1941, the Soviet Union was busy with the war and had no time to take care of China’s affairs. Mao Zedong took advantage of this great opportunity to launch a rectification movement in February 1942, purging the international faction headed by Wang Ming from the top leadership of the party. In 1943, the Comintern announced its dissolution. In the same year, the CCP reorganized the Politburo and re-established a new Politburo with Mao Zedong as chairman. Only then did Mao Zedong truly become the leader of the CCP.
By the time the Soviet Union recovered from the war in 1945 and wanted to intervene in the affairs of the Communist Party of China again, Mao Zedong had firmly established himself in the party, and Stalin had no choice but to recognize Mao Zedong, a leader of the Communist Party of China who he did not like and who was not very obedient. It was precisely because the Soviet Union did not like Mao Zedong, and Mao Zedong did not like the Soviet Union, that it paved the way for the subsequent enmity between China and the Soviet Union.
Nowadays, many scholars write books and biographies, talking about the “qualifications of a leader”, as if a person must meet various prerequisites before he is qualified to be a leader. Judging from the conditions they proposed, the “conditions” for Mao Zedong to become a leader were really poor.
- First, he did not have the support of the leadership, and neither the Communist International nor the Soviet Union liked Mao Zedong;
- Second, he did not have the aura of a diploma, let alone a foreign doctorate like Chen Duxiu, and did not even have a bachelor’s degree;
- Third, he did not He has seen the world, not only has he never studied abroad, nor has he even had the experience of working abroad as a work-study student;
- Fourth, he has never studied military affairs. According to the view that “a layman cannot lead an expert”, Mao Zedong is definitely an outsider in the military and is not qualified for military command.
Mao Zedong’s opponent, Chiang Kai-shek, was a military expert who graduated from a Japanese military academy, and he also had a staff of German military advisers. Chiang Kai-shek’s team of German military advisers can be said to be experts among experts in military matters. But this expert military team could not defeat Mao Zedong, a military layman. This has to be considered an incredible miracle.
According to scholars’ theory of “leader’s qualifications”, it was never possible to understand why Mao Zedong could become the leader of the People’s Republic. Therefore, various conspiracy theories emerged one after another, saying that the reason Mao Zedong came to power was because he used various insidious means to punish people during the Yan’an Rectification Movement. , and only after defeating all his political opponents did he ascend to the throne of supreme power. Although this statement can satisfy the curiosity of people who are not scholars, it completely misleads the historical reality.
When Mao Zedong went to Jinggangshan in 1927, there were only a few hundred people around him; by 1945, the CCP had grown to hundreds of thousands of party members, millions of troops, and base areas with tens of millions of people. The CCP’s power had increased by almost 10,000 times. Who led the CCP to achieve a 10,000-fold growth? Is it Wang Ming? Liu Shaoqi? Zhu De? Zhou Enlai? Except for Mao Zedong, no one dares claim this great achievement. Mao Zedong was always chose to lead — he became the leader of the Communist Party of China. No surprise there. That Mao became the top leader was only natural. In fact, if Mao Zedong had not become the leader of the CCP then, there would have had to have been some tricks and conspiracies to prevent him from becoming leader.
Chiang Kai-shek’s failure was not because his military studies were not good enough, nor because his German military advisers were not professional enough, but because Mao Zedong was a genius, and geniuses do not need to study. 蒋介石的失败，并不是因为他的军事学得不够好，也不是因为德国军事顾问的水平不够专业，而是因为毛泽东是一个天才，天才本来就是不需要学习的。
Relying on a dozen people and seven or eight guns to create a republic, relying on guerrillas with local guns and cannons to defeat the regular army with foreign guns and cannons, relying on a military layman to defeat a team of military experts, these are all in the eyes of ordinary mortals. It is believed to be absolutely impossible, unless a miracle occurs. But Mao Zedong insisted on creating such a miracle, so those with ordinary eyes regarded Mao Zedong as a god.
Mao Zedong is not a god, he is also a human being, but he is not an ordinary human being, but a hero. If you want to ask, what is the difference between heroes and mortals? That is: mortals do not believe that miracles will happen, but heroes believe that miracles will happen, and they themselves are the creators of miracles.
Chapter One: The Estrangement Between Mao Zedong and Liu Shaoqi (Part 1)
From December 15 to December 28, 1964, the expanded meeting of the Central Political Bureau was held in Beijing to discuss issues related to “socialist education.” Judging from the agenda of this meeting, it was supposed to be a suspense-free and relaxed gathering. The high-ranking officials attending the meeting approached it with a light-hearted attitude. However, little did they anticipate that this meeting would turn out to be a Pandora’s box. As soon as it was opened, it led China into a thirteen-year period of chaos, with almost every high official present succumbing to tragic downfall and rebirth.
The civilian and military officials in attendance had all climbed to their positions through numerous hardships. Although not extremely wealthy among the impoverished Chinese people at the time, they were content with their status. On the opening day of the meeting on December 15, 1964, all the high officials were seated, waiting as usual for Chairman Mao Zedong, who was always the last to arrive.
As the core of the Communist Party, Mao Zedong traditionally presided over all major meetings. In 1959, Mao Zedong announced his “retreat to the second line,” meaning he would no longer directly involve himself in the specific affairs of the CCP, leaving that responsibility to Liu Shaoqi, who took over Mao Zedong’s role in overseeing the party and the nation. Despite Liu Shaoqi being the “frontline leader” and Mao Zedong the “second-line leader,” but But Mao’s shadow, his intimidation, did not disappear for even a single day
While everyone was waiting peacefully in a harmonious atmosphere for Mao Zedong to arrive, Liu Shaoqi unexpectedly appeared in the chairman’s position where Mao Zedong usually presided. Liu Shaoqi, known for his serious demeanor and almost always wearing a stern expression, appeared in his perpetually well-fitted Zhongshan suit. Prematurely graying hair made him appear much older than his actual age of 66. Having engaged in underground party work in non-Communist-controlled areas for years, Liu Shaoqi had developed a style of not revealing his emotions. Humor and banter were entirely foreign to him. When presiding over meetings, Liu Shaoqi wasted no words and startlingly remarked, “Chairman is not feeling well and is in the second line. This work conference is only to discuss specific issues. His opinions have been conveyed to various places, so there is no need to invite him to this meeting.”
Liu Shaoqi’s words surprised all the high-ranking officials present. Why were they so astonished? When Mao Zedong retreated to the second line, there was an agreement that for routine CCP work conferences, he wouldn’t attend, but for important meetings, he should be invited. This expanded meeting of the Political Bureau was a large-scale national conference with leaders from various provinces, and according to convention, Mao Zedong should have been invited. However, Liu Shaoqi stated, “There’s no need to invite Mao Zedong to this meeting,” leaving everyone puzzled.
Despite having mastered the art of “not revealing joy, anger, sorrow, or happiness” in their many years of official careers, various complex expressions subtly appeared on the brows of some high officials. From their slightly parted lips, a variety of bold speculations emerged:
“Could it be that Mao Zedong has truly retired completely, handing over the reins to Liu Shaoqi?”
“Could this be the prelude to a change in leadership?”
“Could it be…”
The high-ranking officials concealed their wandering thoughts and listened with keen interest as Liu Shaoqi continued his speech. Liu Shaoqi emphasized, “I have repeatedly emphasized that those who haven’t conducted on-the-spot investigations have no right to speak, no qualifications to be a Central Committee member, provincial party secretary, or county party secretary…”
All the attending high officials knew that Liu Shaoqi had spent 44 days conducting on-the-spot investigations in Hunan Province, while Mao Zedong had never done such fieldwork. Therefore, when Liu Shaoqi said, “Without on-the-spot investigations, there is no right to speak,” everyone that this was an allusion to Mao Zedong.
The Estrangement Between Mao Zedong and Liu Shaoqi (Part 2)
Liu Shaoqi and Zhou Enlai were Mao Zedong’s right-hand men. Based on personal experience, prestige, and achievements, Zhou Enlai was undoubtedly superior to Liu Shaoqi. However, Mao Zedong deliberately promoted Liu Shaoqi as the “second in command,” demoting Zhou Enlai to the “third in command.” This invisible promotion fueled Liu Shaoqi’s arrogance.
At this moment, Zhou Enlai’s thick eyebrows lay calmly above his clear and profound eyes. He listened attentively to Liu Shaoqi’s precise speech, even pulling out a small notebook to take notes. It seemed like he wanted to inspire Liu Shaoqi’s excited heart while also restraining his increasingly audacious tone.
In Zhou Enlai’s reserved and modest Confucian style, undoubtedly both meanings were contained. However, Liu Shaoqi preferred to interpret it as inspiration. He continued boldly, “It’s a good thing for our party to become the ruling party in recent years. It’s an achievement. However people blindly follow your order even when they lead to chaos. Continuing down this road commanding people to do things that create chaos will lead to the downfall. We can’t go on like this.” “这几年我们党成为执政党是好事情，是成绩，乱指挥，人家也听你的。但是继续这样乱指挥下去，是要跌下台的，再不能这样搞了。”
These words were like a heavy bomb. “Ordering chaos” referred to just who was ordering chaos? “this would lead to a downfall” but just who would fall? Clearly, these words indirectly pointed to Mao Zedong. Liu Shaoqi continued, “We can’t treat the teachings of Marx and Lenin as dogma, nor can we treat Mao Zedong’s writings and speeches as dogma…” “我们不能把马克思、列宁的学说当成教条，也不能把毛泽东的著作和讲话当成教条……”
This was practically a denial of Mao Zedong’s ideology. Liu Shaoqi, who had consistently followed Mao Zedong and was the first in the party to advocate “Mao Zedong Thought,” was now challenging Mao Zedong!
Although Mao Zedong was not informed about this meeting, he lacked nothing, especially in terms of “information.” His situation truly epitomized “The Chairman doesn’t go out, yet he knows everything.” Since Liu Shaoqi dared to say such things, he certainly wasn’t afraid of Mao Zedong finding out—this was what it meant to challenge.
Upon hearing Liu Shaoqi’s speech at the meeting, Mao Zedong was indeed furious. If these challenging words came from someone else, Mao Zedong might not be so angry. However, Liu Shaoqi, the challenger, owed his position as the second-in-command entirely to Mao Zedong. Without Mao Zedong’s full support and promotion, how could Liu Shaoqi have reached the second-highest position in the party? Liu Shaoqi used the capital Mao Zedong gave him to challenge Mao Zedong, making it difficult for Mao Zedong to suppress the burning resentment in his chest. As Lu Xun once said, “If someone within my own camp stabs me in the back, my hatred and contempt for him will surpass that for the enemy.” 鲁迅说过：“假如同一阵营中的人，从背后给我一刀，我对他的憎恶和鄙视，是明显在敌人之上的。” Mao Zedong’s current mood was just as Lu Xun described—aside from anger, there was also a kind of male resentment: “I promoted you, and you, little one, climbed on top of me to relieve yourself!” “老子提拔你，你小子却反过来爬到老子头上拉屎拉尿来了！”
Undoubtedly, Mao Zedong viewed Liu Shaoqi’s challenging act as the most disrespectful offense, a breach of “righteousness.” The so-called “righteousness” is a concept deeply rooted in traditional Chinese moral values that must be adhered to. This “righteousness” goes beyond familial bonds and human nature, even more precious than life. Although Mao Zedong was hailed as the “founder of the Republic,” before that, he was first and foremost a person, a Chinese, a man unable to escape the “loyalty and righteousness” ideology of the Han nationality. Mao Zedong could not tolerate this “ungrateful” challenge! Mao Zedong was about to speak, act, and counterattack.
The Estrangement Between Mao Zedong and Liu Shaoqi (Part 3)
Although Mao Zedong was angry, he did not let anger cloud his judgment by directly confronting Liu Shaoqi. Confronting Liu in such a manner would be akin to a vulgar quarrel, lacking political finesse. Mao Zedong bypassed Liu Shaoqi and called Zhou Enlai, adopting a questioning tone: “Why wasn’t I invited to such an important meeting? What exactly is the focus of this social education? The primary contradictions in the current countryside haven’t been thoroughly understood. Why wasn’t I allowed to express my opinions? I have something to say! Even though I’ve retreated to the second line, can’t I still speak my mind?” “这么重要的会议，为什么不让我参加？这次社教究竟要搞什么？当前农村的主要矛盾是什么？都没有完全搞清楚。为什么不让我谈谈我的意见呢？我有话要讲！我虽然退居二线了，还是可以讲些话的吧？”
Mao Zedong had two intentions in making this call to Zhou Enlai. First, he wanted to convey his dissatisfaction through Zhou Enlai to Liu Shaoqi. Second, he aimed to express trust in Zhou Enlai and enlist his support in opposing Liu Shaoqi.
Zhou Enlai, being a highly experienced politician, immediately understood Mao Zedong’s intentions with this phone call. Zhou Enlai distinctly felt that in recent years, Mao Zedong was distancing himself from Liu Shaoqi and drawing closer to Zhou Enlai. Although Mao Zedong had intentionally or unintentionally conveyed his dissatisfaction with Liu Shaoqi to Zhou Enlai on numerous occasions, Zhou Enlai had never expressed his own opinions, and this time was no exception. Zhou Enlai promptly responded on the phone, “I will immediately convey the Chairman’s intentions to Comrade Shaoqi. We all welcome the Chairman to speak. This meeting will continue until December 28. Could the Chairman come on December 20 to preside over the meeting and deliver a speech?” “我马上把主席的意思转达给少奇同志。我们大家都欢迎主席来讲话，这个会一直要开到12月28日才结束，请主席12月20日过来主持会议并发表讲话，好吗？”
Mao Zedong was pleased that Zhou Enlai understood his feelings and immediately agreed to Zhou Enlai’s suggestion, deciding to attend the meeting on December 20. Thus, a historic meeting commenced in a tense atmosphere.
Those attending the meeting on December 20 were aware that Mao Zedong’s presence that day was directed at Liu Shaoqi. However, unforeseen circumstances arose. Liu Shaoqi, busy with preparations for the upcoming Third National People’s Congress set to open, had a tightly scheduled day with arrangements down to the minute. Starting from the morning, he was engaged in a series of tasks, causing a delay of five minutes for each subsequent agenda item. By the time Mao Zedong was already seated, Liu Shaoqi had not yet arrived.
As mentioned earlier, Mao Zedong always entered last. In Mao Zedong’s dictionary, there was never the word “wait,” especially today, as he had come in response to Liu Shaoqi’s challenge. Seeing that Liu Shaoqi himself had not yet arrived, Mao Zedong, in a displeased and sarcastic tone, remarked, “Where has our ‘Qin Shi Huang‘ gone? Why isn’t he actively participating?” In recent years, Mao Zedong had humorously referred to Liu Shaoqi as “Qin Shi Huang.” “我们的秦始皇哪里去了，怎么不积极了？”近年来，毛泽东一直把刘少奇戏称为“秦始皇”。
Everyone kept silent, pursing their lips. Deng Xiaoping, however, had the courage to respond to Mao Zedong, saying, “Comrade Shaoqi said he’ll be here soon. Let’s start without him.”
Mao Zedong, still upset, said, “For such an important meeting, many details are unknown to me, and no one has reported to me. I am still the Party Chairman, yet I am treated in this manner. It’s hard to say what will happen in the future. In my view, you have been leaning heavily to the right in the past two years, as evidenced by the preparations for the Third National People’s Congress.” “这样重要的会议，许多情况我却不了解，也没有人向我汇报。我还是党的主席，就已经遭到这样的待遇，以后还会发生什么样的事情，就很难说了。依我看，你们这两年来右倾很严重，从三届人会的准备工作就表现出来了。”
The Estrangement Between Mao Zedong and Liu Shaoqi (Part 4)
“Speak of Cao Cao, and Cao Cao arrives.” Just as Mao Zedong finished speaking, Liu Shaoqi hurriedly entered the room. Everyone expected Liu Shaoqi to approach Mao Zedong first and offer a few apologies for his tardiness. However, today, Liu Shaoqi seemed to be acting strangely, deviating from his usual respectful demeanor towards Mao Zedong. He merely nodded politely, or rather in a ordinary business-like manner, towards Mao Zedong, casually explaining, “I got caught up in some matters.”
Mao Zedong, in a displeased mood, pursed his lips and, in a sarcastic tone, said to Liu Shaoqi, “You are a busy person now, while I am at leisure. Since you’re here, go ahead and speak. Issue a command, because you are the President of the PRC.” Mao Zedong then turned to everyone and said, “Today, Comrade Shaoqi will preside over the meeting.”
Since the founding of the nation, whenever Mao Zedong attended a meeting, it was naturally assumed that he would be the one presiding. Today, unexpectedly, Mao Zedong, opening his mouth, designated Liu Shaoqi to preside over the meeting. No one could discern Mao Zedong’s intentions. It was neither appropriate to oppose nor endorse, so everyone simply averted their eyes from Mao Zedong. Each person lowered their head, feigning indifference while looking at the documents on the table.
Of course, Liu Shaoqi wasn’t foolish enough to genuinely take charge of the meeting. He, more than anyone else, understood Mao Zedong. Being the meeting’s host implied setting the direction, a privilege that belonged to Mao Zedong as long as he was present. Therefore, Liu Shaoqi hastily declined, insisting multiple times. Mao Zedong seemed satisfied, biting his lip and changing his tone, “Then, Comrade Shaoqi, please speak first.”
Liu Shaoqi thought that by refusing Mao Zedong’s suggestion for him to preside over the meeting, he had shown humility, and Mao Zedong should be satisfied. Therefore, Liu Shaoqi did not decline any further and began to speak first.
Since Mao Zedong’s failures with the Great Leap Forward and the People’s Communes movement, he had to retreat to the second line, letting Liu Shaoqi go to the forefront in managing the national economy’s recovery and adjustment. In recent years, Liu Shaoqi’s successful leadership in economic recovery had elevated his prestige, making him somewhat arrogant. He even audaciously likened himself to the “President of Extraordinary Times.”
As Liu Shaoqi’s prestige and position rose, many central and local officials gradually began to regard him as a deity. Within the party, an unwritten “opinion” formed: that Mao Zedong was a revolutionary and military leader whose time had passed, lacking an understanding of economics. While Mao Zedong’s leadership in revolution and nation-building was wise and great, he was unsuitable for leading economic development. The future central task for China was economic construction, and someone like Mao Zedong, who didn’t understand economics, was akin to a dinosaur from a bygone era and should step aside for Liu Shaoqi, an expert in economic development.
Under the influence of this “opinion,” Mao Zedong’s words within the party were increasingly treated as mere background noise. Although people outwardly maintained their respectful attitude towards him, they quickly disregarded Mao Zedong’s words. Mao Zedong also understood his predicament. During a meeting with foreign dignitaries, he humorously remarked, “They treat me like a deceased ancestor, enshrined in the temple, adorned with gold powder, and kept in storage.” “他们把我当作死去的祖先，供在庙里，涂了金粉，束之高阁。”
The Estrangement Between Mao Zedong and Liu Shaoqi (Part 5)
Let’s return the discussion to this meeting. With all eyes upon him, Liu Shaoqi began to speak: “After several days of meetings, several comrades have spoken, addressing many issues and putting forward suggestions. The basic consensus is that we must go down and investigate…”
In Liu Shaoqi’s speech, there was not the slightest mention of Mao Zedong, indeed h was treating Mao Zedong as a “deceased ancestor.”
Liu Shaoqi continued to speak endlessly, and Mao Zedong, observing him, showed an increasingly displeased expression. In the past, when Liu Shaoqi spoke, he would often pause to seek Mao Zedong’s opinion, expressing respect for Mao Zedong. In Liu Shaoqi’s report at the Seventh National Congress in 1945, he mentioned Mao Zedong’s name 104 times, and in the Eighth National Congress report in 1956, four times. However, on this day in 1964, Liu Shaoqi seemed to have forgotten Mao Zedong’s existence. He only talked about himself, not mentioning Mao Zedong’s name even once and showing no sign of seeking Mao Zedong’s opinions.
Liu Shaoqi continued: “When the bad elements among the landlords and rich peasants take power, it won’t lead to anything good. The key is to let the poor and lower-middle peasants take power. Once we summarize this experience, it will be enlightening for the ‘Four Cleanups’ movement nationwide. Wang Guangmei‘s experience is also significant…” Here, Liu Shaoqi referred to the “Four Cleanups” movement, mainly aimed at rectifying issues of grassroots cadres taking more than their share of collective property, with the “Four Cleanups” meaning clearing accounts, warehouses, finances, and workpoints.
Seeing that Liu Shaoqi neither mentioned him nor sought his opinion, Mao Zedong had to interrupt Liu Shaoqi and said, “When the bad elements among landlords and rich peasants take power, the ‘Four Uncleared’ cadres are the ones in power.” “地富反坏是后台老板，‘四不清’干部是当权派。”
Here, Mao Zedong referred to the “Four Uncleared” cadres, indicating grassroots cadres with economic problems, specifically issues like unclear accounts, warehouses, finances, and workpoints. Mao Zedong continued, “Mobilizing the masses is essentially to rectify our party. The central issue is rectifying the Party, and without rectifying the Party, there is no hope. We shouldn’t care about classes and strata, just focus on those in power, the Communist Party’s in-power faction! They don’t follow the socialist path and lead the masses into corruption. What does it matter if a few individuals among the masses are corrupt and greedy?” “发动群众就是整我们这个党，中心问题是整党，不整党没有希望。我们不要管什么阶级阶层，只要管那些当权派，共产党的当权派！他们带头不走社会主义道路！群众出几个贪污的，多吃多占的，算什么！”
Mao Zedong once again presented his newly coined term, the assertive three words “in-power faction.” “当权派” Interestingly, twelve years earlier in 1942, Mao Zedong invented the term “sectarian,” “宗派” sparking the Rectification Movement in Yan’an and successfully removing Wang Ming, who enjoyed Stalin’s favor, from the prominent position as the party’s top leader. Now, when Mao Zedong spoke of the “Communist Party’s in-power faction,” it was none other than Liu Shaoqi himself. If Liu Shaoqi had a moment of enlightenment, it wouldn’t be difficult to discern the ominous portent concealed in the three words “in-power faction”!
Did Liu Shaoqi momentarily lose his clarity, or did he throw caution to the wind? While Mao Zedong asserted, “The central issue is rectifying the party,” Liu Shaoqi expressed a different view, stating, “Rectifying the party is undoubtedly important, but there are serious unhealthy tendencies among the masses, and not rectifying them won’t work. The ‘Four Uncleared’ individuals have gained considerable influence and formed a large group. If we don’t catch them, they might rebel!” ‘四不清’分子有相当的势力，已经成为一个大的集团，抓不住他们，他们就要造反！”
In the past, Liu Shaoqi rarely contradicted Mao Zedong during meetings. Once he sensed Mao Zedong’s dissatisfaction, he immediately revised his proposals, eliminating differences with Mao Zedong, or reconciling through self-criticism. However, the Liu Shaoqi of today was no longer the same as the Liu Shaoqi of the past; he began openly contradicting Mao Zedong.
The Estrangement Between Mao Zedong and Liu Shaoqi (Part 6)
Mao Zedong’s inner discomfort and dissatisfaction further escalated to anger. He retorted to Liu Shaoqi, saying, “Certainly, the unhealthy tendencies among the masses need rectification, but the party, the in-power faction, must be rectified first. When dealing with issues among the masses and issues with the in-power faction, the approach cannot be entirely the same; there must be a focus. First deal with the big wolves, then with the foxes. That’s the crux of the problem. You can’t avoid dealing with the in-power faction. As Du Fu said in a poem, ‘Capture the thieves before capturing the king.’ ‘擒贼先擒王’ This saying is simple and clear: tackle the big issue. Once the big wolves are dealt with, then slowly ‘clean up’ the remaining foxes. The masses fear that you won’t handle that big issue, that you won’t deal with that in-power faction.” “群众中的歪风邪气当然要整，但首先要整党，整当权派。对待群众中的问题和对待当权派的问题，处理不能完全一样，要有个重点。先搞豺狼，后搞狐狸，这就抓到了问题的关键，你不从当权派着手不行。杜甫有一首诗中说‘擒贼先擒王’，这句话通俗明了，就是搞那个大的。大的豺狼倒了，剩下的狐狸再慢慢‘清’嘛。群众就怕你不搞那个大的，不搞那个当权派。”
Liu Shaoqi didn’t back down either and continued to contradict Mao Zedong, saying, “The in-power faction also needs a specific analysis. Some bad cadres have close ties with landlords and rich peasants, and counter-revolutionaries infiltrate the organization, including former landlords and rich peasants who have become poor peasants and Communist Party members. They are also part of the in-power faction. Currently, there are contradictions within the Party and outside, enemy-us contradictions, contradictions between the ‘Four Cleanups’ and ‘Four Uncleared,’ and various other contradictions intertwining.” “当权派也要具体分析。有些坏干部与地富关系很密切，地富反坏分子混进组织，包括漏划的地富变成贫农和共产党员，也是当权派。现在是党内外矛盾，敌我矛盾，四清和四不清的矛盾，名种矛盾交叉。”
Mao Zedong, a bit impatiently, said, “Regardless of how many contradictions are intertwined, we must first grasp the nature of the enemy-us contradiction. The key is to rectify the in-party faction who are capitalist-roaders.“
Liu Shaoqi again contradicted, saying, “I always don’t understand this concept of a ‘faction.’派 There are indeed capitalist roaders, but when it comes to ‘factions,’ that seems to imply just too many people. However, with the imminent disappearance of the bourgeoisie, how could there still be any ‘factions’? Address the problems that need solving, not everywhere has enemy-us contradictions. Take the Coal Ministry and Metallurgical Ministry, which one has an in-power faction going down the capitalist road?” “对于这个‘派’，我总是理解不了。走资本主义道路的人是有的，一讲到‘派’，人就太多了。但是资产阶级都要消亡了，怎么可能还有什么‘派’？还是有什么问题解决什么问题，不是到处都有敌我矛盾。煤炭部、冶金部，哪个是走资本主义道路的当权派？”
Caught off guard by Liu Shaoqi’s question, Mao Zedong, in a moment of haste, blurted out, “Zhang Linzhi is a capitalist roader.” Zhang Linzhi was the Minister of the Coal Ministry. “张霖之就是。”张霖之是煤炭部部长
Chinese people are often concerned about saving face. Knowing one is wrong, but for the sake of face, not only will they not admit their mistake, but they will also insist on the error. Mao Zedong, being Chinese, was no exception. He realized that what he had just said was a momentary outburst and should not be taken seriously, but he was unwilling to retract his statement. Later, this offhand remark by Mao Zedong during the “Cultural Revolution” was inexplicably treated as an imperial decree by the Red Guards, leading to the brutal beating of Zhang Linzhi.
The members of the Standing Committee, seeing Mao Zedong speak in a fit of anger, dared not mediate. Everyone’s gaze turned to Zhou Enlai, hoping he would step forward to mediate between Chairman Mao and Chairman Liu, these two leaders in opposition.
Zhou Enlai, originally a master at mediating internal conflicts within the party, could often resolve personnel conflicts, turning swords into plowshares. Under normal circumstances, long before the two chairmen reached such an impasse, Zhou Enlai would have stepped forward to smooth things over. However, today, Zhou Enlai, contrary to his usual demeanor, lowered his thick eyelashes, stared at the documents on the table, and the dimple on his right cheek no longer showed any expression. He remained silent. He had nothing to say.
The Estrangement Between Mao Zedong and Liu Shaoqi (Part 7)
Mao Zedong, seeing everyone silent, had to change the topic, saying, “The ‘Four Clean-Ups” are the struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, socialism against capitalism, with the focus on the in-power faction. If we don’t tackle the core of the problem, our work will go astray.”
Liu Shaoqi, however, didn’t buy Mao Zedong’s argument. In the silence of the high officials, he continued to dissent, saying, “The main contradictions lie in the ‘Four Clean-Ups‘ and ‘Four Uncleaned.’ Currently, there are contradictions within the party and outside, enemy-ours contradictions, contradictions between the ‘Four Clean-Ups‘ and ‘Four Uncleaned,’ and various other contradictions intertwining.”
Mao Zedong interrupted Liu Shaoqi, saying, “Don’t listen to those spreading the idea of contradictions between the ‘Four Cleans’ and ‘Four Uncleaned.’ In which dynasty were there no ‘Four Uncleaned’ issues? When did contradictions within and outside the party not intertwine?”
Liu Shaoqi also interrupted Mao Zedong, saying, “I’m afraid it’s not that absolute. The nature of contradictions now is the intertwining of contradictions within the people and enemy-us contradictions.”
Mao Zedong immediately countered, asking, “The nature of contradictions? Just oppose socialism; what other nature is there?”
Liu Shaoqi didn’t back down, saying, “Certainly not the nature of socialism.”
Mao Zedong, using his accustomed method of elevating the discourse, asked again, “Is it the nature of capitalism? Let’s add feudalism and imperialism?”
Liu Shaoqi, employing his familiar bureaucratic language, reasonably argued, “The nature of contradictions lies in the ‘Four Uncleaned’ in politics, economics, ideology, and organization. There are contradictions within the people and enemy-ours contradictions; the complexity of the problem lies here.”
On the surface, the high officials remained silent, but internally, they were each contemplating. They logically agreed with Liu Shaoqi’s statements, but emotionally, they sympathized with Mao Zedong. These high officials owed their current positions, to a greater or lesser extent, to Mao Zedong’s promotion, trust, and care. They knew that without Mao Zedong’s robust support, Liu Shaoqi wouldn’t be in his current position. Witnessing Liu Shaoqi’s attitude toward Mao Zedong today naturally evoked sympathy from many towards Mao Zedong.
Mao Zedong seemed unable to argue with Liu Shaoqi and had to use a self-deprecating tone, saying, “I think our country still needs an Emperor Qin. If there is to be an Emperor Qin, it’s you, Liu Shaoqi. I’m only fit to be your assistant. Comrades, does this suit you? Can I be Liu Shaoqi’s assistant? I no longer have the authority of Liu Shaoqi; I can only be the subordinate.”
The two chairmen engaged in a lip-biting verbal battle filled with gunpowder. The members of the Standing Committee, seemingly silent, were contemplating their own thoughts. Since the Yan’an era, whenever Mao Zedong had ideological conflicts with figures like Wang Ming, Liu Shaoqi would always step forward, firmly standing by Mao Zedong’s side, solidifying the political alliance between Mao Zedong and Liu Shaoqi, making Liu Shaoqi Mao Zedong’s closest comrade-in-arms. Unexpectedly, these decades-long intimate comrades had turned against one other.
After the meeting, Mao Zedong and Liu Shaoqi each left in their own official cars, and Zhou Enlai briefly arranged matters for the next day before leaving in haste. At this moment, Zhou Enlai did not want to leave any lingering doubts between Chairman Mao and Chairman Liu. Not resolving unnecessary ambiguity is a blind spot that politicians are most prone to fall into. As a professional politician, Zhou Enlai was always meticulous and cautious, ensuring nothing was left to chance with his words and actions. 这时周恩来不愿意在毛主席和刘主席之间留下任何悬念。留下没有必要的疑惑，是政治家最容易失足的盲点，作为职业政治家的周恩来，对自己的一言一行总是小心谨慎到滴水不漏。
The Estrangement Between Mao Zedong and Liu Shaoqi (Part 8)
After the three leaders left, the remaining members of the Political Bureau Standing Committee began discussing what had just gone on. These committee members were beneficiaries of the current political regime, satisfied with the positions they had achieved through years of struggle. They believed that the revolutionary era of life-and-death struggles were now things of the past, and now was the time to sit back comfortably and enjoy the fruits of victory. They didn’t want political upheavals; they genuinely hoped for the status quo to be maintained.
If Mao Zedong, the number one figure in the party, and Liu Shaoqi, the second-in-command, were to turn against each other, it would undoubtedly cause a major shock within the party. It would lead to a redistribution of power and a significant reshuffling. In such a scenario, many current members of the Political Bureau Standing Committee would likely lose their positions, something they wished to avoid. Therefore, the committee members sincerely hoped for a reconciliation between Mao Zedong and Liu Shaoqi, wishing for the calm situation to continue.
The committee members were familiar with Mao Zedong and Liu Shaoqi’s personalities. They knew that both were individuals who cared about their image and wouldn’t easily admit defeat or wrongdoing. Therefore, the committee members pondered how to provide a way out for Mao Zedong and Liu Shaoqi, allowing them to step down without losing face and reconcile amicably. At this moment, someone came up with the idea that Mao Zedong’s birthday was approaching on December 26. If they could use the occasion of celebrating Mao Zedong’s birthday to get Liu Shaoqi and Mao Zedong to talk, reminisce, and perhaps resolve their differences, it might lead to a peaceful resolution.
This indeed seemed like a good plan, but Mao Zedong was not accustomed to celebrating birthdays. Someone had to convince Mao Zedong to host a birthday banquet. Among the committee members, those who had recently had the closest relationship with Mao Zedong were Tao Zhu and Luo Ruiqing. Therefore, they were entrusted by others to approach Mao Zedong.
Tao Zhu and Luo Ruiqing drove to Mao Zedong’s residence at Zhongnanhai Juxiang Shu Wu 菊香书屋to seek Mao Zedong’s approval for a birthday celebration. They hoped to use the pretext of a birthday banquet to provide an opportunity for Mao Zedong and Liu Shaoqi, former comrades-in-arms, to find a bridge to reconciliation. It was a Chinese tradition to use joy to dispel evil and welcome happiness with longevity.
Tao Zhu, being from Hunan, shared the same hometown with Mao Zedong and was 15 years younger. Their relationship was such that it wasn’t surprising for Tao Zhu to address Mao Zedong as an elder brother. Like Mao Zedong, Tao Zhu had a straightforward temperament, but when compared to his fellow Hunanese, the bold and fiery Peng Dehuai, Tao Zhu couldn’t be considered a true Hunanese. Tao Zhu was straightforward but more action-oriented; he was decisive and efficient in his work, making him the right person to persuade Mao Zedong to hold a birthday celebration.
Luo Ruiqing, hailing from Sichuan, was not short, contrary to the misconception that Sichuanese were generally of shorter stature because of Deng Xiaoping. Luo Ruiqing’s legs were notably long, complementing his military uniform well. Despite being a seasoned general who had been through numerous battles, Luo Ruiqing’s facial features seemed overly refined, and someone unaware of his background might mistake him for a professor. The distinctively long and slender eyes, giving him an elegant appearance, revealed an inherent nervousness that might have been related to his later persecution and attempted suicide.
The Estrangement Between Mao Zedong and Liu Shaoqi (Part 9)
These two highly respected Communist Party officials approached Mao Zedong’s Chuxiang Shuwu (Study) with a sense of unease. Mao Zedong was not known for easily heeding advice, and convincing him to host a birthday celebration was no easy task. As expected, when Tao Zhu broached the subject, Mao Zedong immediately rejected the idea, saying, “There used to be a rule that central leaders don’t celebrate birthdays.” “以前有规定，中央领导人不做寿。”
Tao Zhu, not one to be taken lightly, had been Mao Zedong’s close associate for many years. Familiar with Mao Zedong’s aversion to using public funds for hosting, as well as his lofty temperament, Tao Zhu couldn’t claim to know Mao Zedong inside out, but he understood him well enough. Knowing that Mao Zedong wouldn’t use public funds for a celebration, Tao Zhu wore an expression of helplessness, suddenly patting the back of his flat head as if remembering something and said, “Chairman, it’s not about celebrating a birthday. We just want you to contribute a bit from your royalties to treat everyone.”
Mao Zedong, already the best-selling author in China, had earned a substantial sum from the four volumes of “Selected Works of Mao Zedong.” Tao Zhu’s slightly playful suggestion not only satisfied Mao Zedong’s vanity as a best-selling author but also fulfilled his sense of accomplishment as the founding father of the nation. Additionally, it provided an opportunity for Mao Zedong to do something he wanted to do but couldn’t bring himself to do – reconcile with Liu Shaoqi, a desire hidden deep in Mao Zedong’s heart. After all, Mao Zedong was about to turn 71, an age where nostalgic sentiments naturally arise, accompanied by a yearning for old acquaintances.
Feigning a reluctant expression, Mao Zedong then spoke with the demeanor of an elder, “Since you all want me to treat everyone… well, then, I will.”
Once Mao Zedong showed a willingness to compromise, he immediately transformed into an amiable figure, his slightly slanted eyes narrowing a bit with the corners creased in a radiant smile. Tao Zhu and Luo Ruiqing felt a sudden warmth in their hearts, more grateful for their boldness. How they wished Liu Shaoqi was there, sitting under Mao Zedong’s affectionate smile, witnessing this touching scene. If that were the case, perhaps the unprecedented Cultural Revolution wouldn’t have occurred, and the tragic fates of Luo Ruiqing in a year (1965) and Tao Zhu in two years (1966) might have been averted.
The twists of fate often leave people feeling melancholic, echoing Mao Zedong’s timeless verses, “If Heaven has feelings, Heaven is also old; the correct path in the human world is full of twists and turns.” “天若有情天亦老，人间正道是沧桑”
Excitedly exchanging glances, Tao Zhu and Luo Ruiqing suggested, “For the birthday celebration, let Comrade Wang Dongxing and Comrade Jiang Qing take care of the arrangements?”
Even in this detail, they had considered Mao Zedong’s preferences thoroughly. Mao Zedong happily responded, “Call Dongxing in.”
The Estrangement Between Mao Zedong and Liu Shaoqi (Part 10)
Wang Dongxing had served as Mao Zedong’s security chief for eighteen years. Growing up within the Chinese Workers’ and Peasants’ Red Army, he joined the revolutionary cause at the age of 14 in 1930. By 1932, at the age of 16, he became a party member, earning the title of a bona fide “Red Child.” Wang Dongxing’s stroke of good luck began when he assumed the role of Mao Zedong’s security chief in 1947. Interestingly, this streak of good fortune was closely tied to a significant change in Wang Dongxing’s name.
Originally named “Wang Dongxing,”汪冬兴 he realized, after learning to read, that the “east” 东 where the sun rises is more auspicious and bright than the cold “winter.” 冬 Inspired by this, he changed his name to “Wang Dongxing.”汪东兴 In ancient China, there has always been a tradition of studying surnames, where a person’s name, sometimes due to favorable circumstances, brings good luck. When Wang Dongxing was introduced to Mao Zedong, Mao, without meeting him yet, agreed to have Wang Dongxing as his security chief. This decision was influenced by both Wang Dongxing’s revolutionary experience as a “Red Child” and the auspicious meaning of his name, suggesting prosperity and flourishing.
After Mao Zedong dispatched a guard to summon Wang Dongxing, Tao Zhu and Luo Ruiqing tactfully withdrew. Once outside Mao Zedong’s residence, they seized the opportunity, driving directly to Liu Shaoqi’s residence, Fuluju, in Zhongnanhai.
Tao Zhu and Luo Ruiqing expected Liu Shaoqi to be delighted upon hearing the news of their success in convincing Mao Zedong to host a birthday celebration. This appeared to be a perfect opportunity for Liu Shaoqi to reconcile with Mao Zedong without losing face. However, Liu Shaoqi’s reaction to the news was indifferent, devoid of any signs of happiness, surprising Tao Zhu and Luo Ruiqing. Nevertheless, the two continued to earnestly advise Liu Shaoqi. At Mao Zedong’s birthday celebration, they suggested that Liu Shaoqi take the opportunity to extend an apology and reconcile with Mao Zedong. After all, Mao Zedong held the top position, and it wouldn’t be appropriate for the top leader to apologize to the second in command.
Listening to Tao Zhu and Luo Ruiqing, Liu Shaoqi neither agreed nor disagreed but simply expressed, “Thank you both for your kind intentions.” 听了陶铸和罗瑞卿的话，刘少奇既没有说“好”，也没有说“不好”，只是谈谈地说：“谢谢两位的好意。”Perplexed by Liu Shaoqi’s response, Tao Zhu and Luo Ruiqing left, with Liu’s wife Wang Guangmei accompanying them to the door. Before leaving, they once again earnestly implored Wang Guangmei to persuade Liu Shaoqi to extend an apology to Mao Zedong during the birthday celebration, hoping to ease the tense relationship between the two leaders.
Wang Guangmei responded vaguely, “I’ve been thinking of having a heart-to-heart talk with Shaoqi.” This ambiguous reply marked the beginning of Liu Shaoqi’s political downfall and, eventually, even threatened his physical life. However, that is a story for another time.
毛泽东与文革大起底 连载1 （ 作者 ：崇新岳、百思峰）
(2019-08-02 10:06:04)下一个
月潜按：
关于文革的传记读过不少，但最详实、最深刻、最公正、最富史学价值的著作当属此部。
但也许正是因为如此， 这部巨著却遭遇了两边不讨好的命运： 中共固然憎恶作者的实话实的史笔， 西方也不免讨厌作者还毛本色的公允。 我想， 这就是这部著作至今未能付梓的原因。
实话难说， 固是世间寻常事。 但真相终是最强之音， 也属千古春秋之必然， 此则足以告慰于崇新岳、百思峰二公者也。
月潜不才， 愿充义务搬运工转载此著， 所以致敬作者并享同好也， 岂非也一有意义之事业乎！
闲话少说， 且看正文：
毛泽东与文革大起底（001）
原创作者：崇新岳、百思峰
前 言（1）
上世纪初新文化运动的旗手胡适先生，毕生致力于发展中国的传记文学，他曾说：“中国最缺乏最不发达的是传记文学，二千年来几乎没有一篇可读的传记。”
什么是传记文学？给出一个精确的定义是比较困难的，不过可以简明扼要地给传记文学这样一个定位：“传记文学是讲给人民大众听的、客观真实的历史故事。”
要求人民大众去一字一句攻读枯燥的专业历史论文，或所谓的“正史”，显然是不现实的。作为中国人，读过正史《三国志》的寥寥无几，读过《三国演义》的却不计其数。因为《三国志》是写给专家学者看的，趣味性和可读性很差；而《三国演义》是写给大众的读物，首先注重就是趣味性和可读性，因此赢得了无数的读者。
不过脍炙人口的《三国演义》只能算是“文学”，并不能算是“传记文学”，因为它的真实性太差了，即使谈不上“肆意篡改历史”，说它与真实的历史相差太远，也毫不过分。《三国演义》的作者并不是站在第三者的旁观立场上，客观地描绘这段历史，而是完全站在书中人物的立场上，违背历史真实地拔高刘备和贬低曹操，这就违背了传记文学的“真实性”原则。
话题转到我们的正题：毛泽东和文革。现在中国关于文革和毛泽东的书，可以说多得不计其数，这里且不讨论有关这方面的专业学术论文，专门讨论一下写给人民大众看的“通俗读物”。虽说这种读物的数量也不算少，但绝大部分并不让人满意，又再一次印证了百年前胡适先生的话：“中国最缺乏最不发达的是传记文学”。
现在关于毛泽东和文革的书，主要有三大问题：
第一大问题是作者的立场性太强。很多作者不是站在书外的第三者立场，作为旁观者来讲述，而是作者自己跳到书里去，站在书中人物的立场上说话。这样的书，要不然成为作者宣扬自己政治理念的宣传品，要不然惧怕政治压力，处处掣肘，不敢畅所欲言，达不到“传记文学”的要求。
第二大问题是选材缺乏客观性。真实的历史人物，绝不可以简单地划分为“好人”或“坏人”，每个历史人物，都有令他光荣的事情，也有令他不光彩的事情。在描写历史人物的选材时，应该做到客观公正，既选他光荣的事情，也选他不光彩的事情，就像鲁迅所强调的那样，在写人物传记时必须顾及全人。鲁迅说：“倘有取舍，即非全人，再加抑扬，更离真实。譬如勇士，也战斗，也休息，也饮食，自然也性交，如果只取他末一点，画起像来，挂在妓院里，尊为性交大师，那自然也不能说是毫无根据的，然而，岂不冤哉！”
现在关于毛泽东和文革的书，在选材上的倾向性非常严重，要不然专挑毛泽东光荣的事情，把毛泽东神格化为一个全心全意为人民的现世神；要不然专挑毛泽东不光彩的事情，把毛泽东妖魔化为一个以整人为乐的现世魔。当然那些书中所说的毛泽东的光荣和不光彩，也不是毫无根据的捏造，但根据单方面的事实来给毛泽东“定性”，就像鲁迅说的那样“岂不冤哉！”
第三大问题是缺少历史高度的分析。作者过于纠缠于一些琐碎的事件细节，缺少站在历史高度上的分析和洞见，就像谚语说的那样“只见树木，不见森林”。毛泽东这样的历史巨人，必须站在一个历史的高度上才能理解他的所作所为。
因为存在上述问题，我们感到有必要写一本全新概念的“传记文学”，为人民大众讲解毛泽东和文革的故事。我们严格遵守传记文学的标准，力争做到以下几点：
第一， 要有趣味性和可读性，成为人民大众“能看懂”和“喜欢看”的读物。
第二， 要把自己定位于第三者的旁观立场，不成为书中人物的代言人，不站在书中人物的立场上说话。
第三， 要选材公平，既选择光荣的事情，也选择不光彩的事件。
第四， 要尽可能接近历史的真实。当然这里所谓的“真实”，只能是相对的真实，不可能是绝对的真实。如果绝对的真实，把毛泽东的讲话一字不漏全篇照抄，那就成了历史档案，完全失去了可读性。
说到这里读者可能会有疑问：“你们有什么独家秘闻材料吗？你凭什么说你们写的故事是真实的呢？”我们的回答是：用逻辑推理的方法，通过一个个的历史细节，演绎推证出历史的真实。
这种逻辑推理的方法，被广泛地用于侦破案件。犯人一般是不会交待案情真相的，那么如果犯人自己不交待的话，我们就无法知道案情的真相吗？非也！我们可以像福尔摩斯侦探案那样，通过各种蛛丝马迹，用逻辑推理的方法，最终推证出案情的真相。
在这里，我们把文革和毛泽东作为一个历史案件来侦破或破解，归纳总结一个个分散的历史细节，从一个个似乎是毫不相干的历史事件中，寻找出历史事件的发展脉络，最后用逻辑推理的方法，推证出这个历史案件的真相。
我们这里采用了一种全新的写作形式，把全书分为两个相对独立的部分：正文部分和点评部分。正文部分强调可读性和趣味性，完全独立成章；而点评部分是对正文部分中提到的一些历史事件的补充说明，有兴趣的朋友可以读一读评解，更深入地理解历史事件的来龙去脉；没有兴趣的朋友，只看正文部分即可。
另外，我们还试图站在历史的高度上，对历史事件进行一些评述，力求在给读者揭示历史真相的同时，还给读者带来一些哲学的感悟或感顿，让读者通过历史的真实，通过文学的美，去了解毛泽东和他周围的一些人，去了解毛泽东的那个时代。
最后引用一句先哲的格言：读书不是要让你信仰书中的结论，而是要让你思考。【《前言》完】
（写于2012年12月26日。毛泽东诞辰119年之际）
引子 毛泽东的寿宴（1）
1964年12月26日，一个大雪纷飞的日子里，中南海著名的菊香书屋前，没有人踩过的、一尘不染的雪地上，一位已是老态但不龙钟的高大身影，没有规则、也没有韵律、更没有前例地一前一后，忽左忽右，一扭一摆地晃来晃去。如果这不是在庄严的中南海，如果不是在尊贵的领袖书房前，如果不是在戒备森严的全国第一号重点卫戍区，我们的读者可能会以为一个精神恍惚的老人步履蹒跚地进入你的视野，也可能会怀疑我在凭空塑造一个莫须有的武侠怪人，还可能……
不，都不是。这个人是与我们一样有七情六欲的正常人，这个进入你的视野的人，是自从秦始皇统一中国至今，中国历史上最长时间以他的意志左右人民的领袖，也是自从1942年延安整风以来，长达七十年被人们赞拜，又被人们咒骂的无冕之皇……，不言而喻，他就是毛泽东！
毛泽东就像被他的臣民赞誉的那样像巨人一般高大，在任何一群人之间，不论从哪个角度一眼看到的，首先必定是毛泽东。这种生来具有的王者之风，使他在周围的高级干部中间，或者在他置身于群众中间时，都显露出一种神圣不可侵犯的威严和领袖风范，让人下意识地肃然起敬，甚至像感到在上帝面前那样的敬畏。
然而，与毛泽东的高大身躯不相符的，是他简直可以称之为慈眉善目的容颜。一双眼睛既不威武也不智慧，而是妇人般祥和地微微下斜，肥肥的鼻子是韶山人的印记，小而厚的嘴唇怎么也不能与他骂娘的习惯联系在一起。但如果从三十度角度的侧面来看，毛泽东大而长的耳垂撑起的面相，还真可以说是佛相了！
乍一看，毛泽东的这种勇悍的身材与仁慈的相貌是矛盾的，但是，这对矛盾存在于同一个人身上时，这个人的人格就具有了敬畏感与亲和力，这个时候，人们理想中的领袖就诞生了。
毛泽东做事总是独树一帜的，睡眠也不例外。古代圣哲奉行“随日而出起之，应日而落寝之”的大自然韵律。他们更相信自己是上帝之子，必与神创造的宇宙天地一起运行。而毛泽东的睡眠恰恰相反，他刚刚睡醒时，正好是学校的孩子们完成一天的学习下课的时候，或者是工厂的工人们做完一天的工作刚要下班的时刻，下午五点钟。
毛泽东在这里手舞足蹈是怎么回事？只有警卫员知道这个秘密。原来毛泽东在做他的体操，他自己独创的唯一无二的毛式体操。不过毛泽东并不是每天都做这个毛式体操，他毕生最讨厌的就是循规蹈矩，所以不要想在他身上发现什么定型的东西。不过，贴身机要秘书知道，每次毛泽东做完这个摸不着规律的毛式体操以后，中国多半会发生一场风云突变的变化。
这一天，是1964年12月26日，毛泽东71岁的生日。
毛泽东贵为共和国第一人，并没有给自己过生日请客做寿的风习。中国共产党经历了漫长的艰苦战争岁月，高层共产党干部们每天处于生死不测之境，所以没有人在意谁的生日，更没有闲情逸致去举办某个人的生日宴会。
可是今天，毛泽东睡足了觉，做好了全身运动，精神抖擞地前往人民大会堂小宴会厅，参加他自己破天荒第一次的生日宴会，邀请他的老战友，著名的劳动模范、科学家和身边的工作人员。被邀请的人员，有红军长征一起同甘苦共患难过来的老干部，刘少奇、周恩来、邓小平、罗瑞卿、陶铸夫妇、李富春夫妇、薄一波、胡耀邦……，还有劳动模范陈永贵、董加耕，科学家钱学森等，一共四十人。
这些人无不为自己能够参加共和国领袖的生日宴会而兴奋不已，当然还夹杂着无比的自豪，甚至很多人昨天一夜没有合眼，各自怀着最美好的愿望去赴共和国领袖的生日宴会。每一个人都不怀疑，这说不定将影响自己的政治生涯，左右自己的仕途。为了今天的生日宴会，中南海已经沸沸扬扬地议论满天飞，据可靠消息，今天赴宴人员的名单，都是毛泽东亲自画圈审定的。
但事实上，这次生日宴会并不是毛泽东本人策划的，而是由陶铸和罗瑞卿等人特别建议和策划的。如果想知道为什么陶铸和罗瑞卿要为毛泽东策划这次生日宴会，我们有必要交待一下引发这场宴会的重大伏笔，那就是1964年12月15日到28号之间召开的一次中央政治局扩大会议。
点评：毛泽东的奇迹（1）
中国五千年历史中，从一介布衣发迹成为国家最高统治者的，只有三位，他们是：大汉帝国的创始人刘邦，大明帝国的创始人朱元璋，中华人民共和国的创始人毛泽东。从一无所有的布衣，成为统领天下的最高统治者，这不管从哪个意义上来讲，都是一个奇迹。这样的奇迹在中国五千的历史中只发生过三次，平均一千多年才出现一次，可以说更是奇迹中的奇迹。
为什么毛泽东能够成就这样的奇迹？有四大因素造就了他。这四大因素是：时代因素、性格因素，智慧因素和运气因素。
首先是时代因素，常言道“乱世出英雄”，上述三位从布衣到最高统治者的幸运者，都是生在乱世。如果毛泽东生在当今的和平环境，他这样只有大专文凭的人，最好就是当个中学教员吧。所以要想当英雄的人，以及有能力成为英雄的人，不幸生在了和平时代，除了感叹“生不逢时”之外，没有别的办法。
从这点来看，毛泽东幸运地“生逢其时”。当然“生逢其时”人也很多，为什么成功者会是毛泽东呢？这就不能不谈到毛泽东的性格因素。
刘邦、朱元璋和毛泽东，有一个共同的性格特点，就是“天不怕、地不怕，什么都不怕”，他们都是土生土长于这片古老的土地，身上带着淳朴的乡土气质，赤手空拳打出了自己的天下。他们没有伟大的祖先，不必担心损害先祖的盛名；他们没有读过多少书，没有先哲圣人的思想束缚。早在学生时代，少年毛泽东就写下：“天不要怕，鬼不要怕，死人不要怕，官僚不要怕，军阀不要怕，资本家不要怕”的豪言壮语。在这个世界上，毛泽东什么都不怕！这就是他成功的性格因素。
凡是成就大事业的人，都可以用“有勇有谋”四个字来表述，毛泽东也不例外。他既有过人的胆量，也有过人的智慧。不少人把“智慧”理解为知识的多少，考试的成绩，这就大错特错了。所谓智慧，对于科学家来说，是“认识自然，改造自然”的能力；对于政治家来说，就是“认识社会，改造社会”的能力。
毛泽东的智慧，首先体现他有过人的认识社会的能力，正确地认识到中国社会的特点，并在这个基础上提出“农村包围城市”的思想，经过二十二年的奋斗，终于带领共产党打下了中国大陆的天下。不少人对毛泽东的“农村包围城市”思想不屑一顾，认为这并没什么了不起。其实不然，当时共产党内的主流是“大城市暴动起义”，基本上没有人赞成毛泽东的“农村包围城市”。之所以会这样，是因为按照“正常思维”来思考的话，“大城市起义”比“农村包围城市”合理得多，也现实得多。
农村包围城市的主张，第一大问题是时间问题。农村包围城市是一个“星火燎原”的缓慢过程，要夺取全国政权需要几十年的努力奋斗，事实上毛泽东从井冈山到天安门，奋斗了二十二年才成功。而“大城市起义”是一个立竿见影的快捷过程，只用几个月甚至几天就能夺取全国政权。绝大部分人一看“农村包围城市”需要几十年的时间，就摇头而去，因为具有把铁棒磨成针的耐性的人，实在太少了。
打个比方，你跟风险投资家说：“你给我投资吧，我让你二十年后成为亿万富翁。”恐怕没有一个投资家会光顾你；而你跟风险投资家说：“你给我投资吧，我让你两天之后成为亿万富翁。”有再大的风险，也会有投资家愿意来冒险，毕竟这个一夜之间的成功太有吸引力了。
没有人来投资，毛泽东就自己干。1927年，在上海租界的党中央总部命令毛泽东带领秋收起义的农民军去攻打大城市长沙，可是毛泽东违反上级命令，把这支农民军带上了井冈山，开始实践他“农村包围城市”的设想。毛泽东上井冈山后，几乎没有人认为毛泽东会成功，因为他们看来，井冈山是一个四面都被敌人包围的红色孤岛，在孤岛打游击有太多的难题无法解决。
第一难题是军队的吃饭怎么解决？毛泽东提出的解决方法是：打土豪分田地，用地主富农的钱粮解决吃饭问题；第二难题是武器装备怎么解决？毛泽东提出的解决方法是：敌人给我们造，用缴获敌人的武器来武装自己；第三个难题是兵员问题怎么解决？毛泽东提出的解决方法是：告诉老百姓红军是为了解放贫苦农民的工农子弟兵，动员贫苦农民参军来解放自己；第四个难题，也是最重要的一个难题，就是这些用土枪土炮武装起来的，类似于乌合之众的农民军，能够打败装备精良、训练有素的正规政府军吗？
这个问题就是放到今天，绝大多数用“智慧”思考的所谓“智叟”，也会认为农民军必败，政府军必胜。在他们看来，毛泽东企图靠农民军打败政府军的想法，完全是以卵击石，是“愚公”的胡闹。但战争的事实证明，毛泽东领导的农民军，不仅打败了蒋介石的政府军，而且农民军越打越壮大，最后取得了全国的胜利。
在事实面前，那些智叟思考出来的“妙计”，全部都失败了，而毛泽东这个愚公发明的“胡闹”，反倒成功了。这时人们才佩服毛泽东对中国社会的深刻认识，以及建立在这个深刻认识之上的“农村包围城市”，是多么难能可贵的创新思维。毛泽东从一个被嘲笑的傻子，变成一位被敬仰的领袖。
毛泽东成功的最后一个因素，就是运气因素。毛泽东多次赶上千载难逢的天赐良机，第一个良机是抗战的爆发，这个大家都知道，还有一个天赐良机是苏德战争的爆发，这个知道的人似乎不多，这里多说几句。
中国共产党从成立之初，就是在共产国际和苏联领导下的一个支部，中共的最高领导人，一直来自于共产国际和苏联的授命。遵义会议后，毛泽东虽然成为中共军队的最高领导人，但他始终没得到共产国际和苏联的青睐，所以中国共产党的最高领导人一直与毛泽东无缘，而王明则仗着共产国际和苏联的“太上皇”，成为中共的最高领导人。不过1941年爆发的苏德战争，成为毛泽东崛起的天赐良机。
在苏德战争初期，苏军大败，当时人们普遍认为希特勒的纳粹德国必胜，斯大林的共产苏联必败。一旦苏联败了，中共怎么办？中共党内依附于苏联的“国际派”，惶惶不可终日，阵脚自乱，纷纷给自己找出路，向不依赖苏联的毛泽东的“山沟派”靠拢。最初是康生投靠过来，最后连王明这个国际派的首领，也不得不投靠毛泽东，高呼“毛主席万岁”。
1941年6月苏德战争爆发后，苏联忙于战争，根本无暇顾及中国事务。毛泽东就利用这个大好时机，于1942年2月开始发起整风运动，把王明为首的国际派从党的高层清除出去。1943年共产国际宣布解散，就在同年，中共改组政治局，重新成立由毛泽东为主席的新政治局，毛泽东这才真正成为了中共的领导人。
等到1945年苏联从战争中喘过气来，再想插手中共的事务时，毛泽东已在党内牢牢站住脚跟，斯大林只好承认毛泽东这个他不喜欢的、不太听话的中共领导人。也正是因为苏联不喜欢毛泽东，毛泽东也不喜欢苏联，这就为后来的中苏交恶埋下了伏笔。
现在不少学者著书立传，大谈什么“领袖的资格”，好像一个人必须满足各种各样的前提条件，才有资格当领袖。从他们提出的条件来看，毛泽东成为领导人的“条件”实在太差了。第一，他没有领导的支持，共产国际和苏联都不喜欢毛泽东；第二，他没有文凭的光环，不要说没有陈独秀那样的洋博士学位，连大学本科的文凭都没有；第三，他没有见过世面，不仅没有出国留学过，甚至连出国勤工俭学的经历都没有；第四，他从未学过军事，按照“外行不能领导内行”的观点，毛泽东对军事绝对是外行，是没有资格指挥军队的。
毛泽东的对手蒋介石，倒是从日本军校科班出身的军事内行，而且还带着一个德国军事顾问的幕僚班子。蒋介石加德国军事顾问的班子，对军事可以说是内行中的内行了。但这个内行的军事班子，居然打不过毛泽东这个军事门外汉，这不得不被认为是一个不可思议的奇迹。
按照学者们的“领袖的资格”理论，永远理解不了为什么毛泽东能成为共和国的领袖，于是各种阴谋论纷纷出笼，说毛泽东上台的原因，是他在延安整风中用各种阴险的整人手段，把政敌统统整倒之后，才登上最高权力宝座。这种说法虽说可以满足一般人的好奇心，但它却完全误导了历史的真实。
1927年毛泽东上井冈山时，身边只有数百人；而到1945年，中共发展到几十万党员，上百万军队，几千万人口的根据地，中共的力量差不多增长了一万倍。这谁领导中共取得了一万倍的增长？是王明吗？刘少奇吗？朱德吗？周恩来吗？除了毛泽东，没有第二个人敢说这个巨大成绩由他的领导取得的。毛泽东取得这么大的政绩，就是总统选举也会连任，所以毛泽东成为中共领导人，那是众望所归，根本不需要什么阴谋。如果那时毛泽东没有成为中共领导人，那倒是有人做了手脚，搞了阴谋。
蒋介石的失败，并不是因为他的军事学得不够好，也不是因为德国军事顾问的水平不够专业，而是因为毛泽东是一个天才，天才本来就是不需要学习的。
靠十几个人、七八条枪创建一个共和国，靠土枪土炮的游击队打败洋枪洋炮的正规军，靠一个军事门外汉打败一个军事专家组成的班子，这些在一般的凡人看来，都认为是绝对不可能实现的，除非会出现奇迹。但毛泽东硬是创造了这样的奇迹，于是那些肉眼凡胎的人，就把毛泽东奉为神明了。
毛泽东不是神，他也是人，但他不是一般的人，而是英雄。如果要问英雄和凡人的区别在哪里？那就是：凡人不相信会出现奇迹，而英雄相信会有奇迹出现，他们本身就是奇迹的创造者。
第一节：毛刘的交恶（1）
1964年12月15日至12月28日，中央政治局扩大会议在北京召开，讨论“社会主义教育”中的一些问题。从这个会议的议题就可以看出，它本应是一个没有悬念的轻松愉快的会议。参会的高官们个个抱着轻松的心情，来参加这次会议。然而他们没有料到：这次会议竟然是一个潘朵拉的盒子，一打开盖子，就把中国引入一场长达十三年的混乱，几乎参会的高官没有一个逃脱得了悲剧色彩的沉沦与复生。
参会的文武高官都是历经千辛万苦之后才爬到这个位置上的。在当时贫穷的中国人民中间，他们还谈不上十分富有，但他们对自己的地位还是满意的。1964年12月15日的会议开幕式上，各位高官已经就坐在自己的座位上，他们习惯性地等待永远是最后一个到场的领袖毛泽东。
毛泽东作为共产党的核心，所有重大会议一贯是毛泽东坐镇。1959年毛泽东宣布“退居二线”，也就是不再直接过问中共党内的具体事务，由刘少奇接替毛泽东，主持中共党内和国家的大事。尽管刘少奇是“一线领导”，毛泽东是“二线领导”，但毛泽东的影子、毛泽东的威慑，一天也没有消失过。
正当大家在和祥的气氛中，静静等候毛泽东到来的时候，刘少奇出现在以往毛泽东坐的主持人位置上。一贯不苟言笑的刘少奇，几乎在任何场合都板着一副微皱眉头的脸，一身中山装永远笔挺合身，过早白了的头发，使他看上去比实际年龄66岁要老很多。长年从事白区地下党工作，养成刘少奇喜怒哀乐不露声色的作风，幽默和调侃完全与他无缘。刘少奇主持会议时，更是没有废话，开口便语出惊人地说：“主席身体不好，且处于二线，这次工作会议只是研究一些具体问题，他的一些意见已经转告了各地，就不必请他参加这次会议了。”
刘少奇的话让到会的众位高官惊奇得你看我，我看你。为什么刘少奇的话让大家如此吃惊呢？因为毛泽东退居二线之时曾有约定，一般性的中共工作会议他不参加，但重要会议要请他参加。这次政治局扩大会议是各个省的领导都来参加的全国性大型会议，这样的重要会议按照惯例，是应该请毛泽东参会。可刘少奇却说“不必请毛泽东参会了”，这是怎么回事呢？
众高官在多年的官场生涯中，虽说已经炼成“喜怒不形于色”的功夫，但各种复杂的表情，还是隐隐约约地跳到一些高官的眉宇间。从他们微微张开的嘴角，流露出各种大胆的测想：
“莫非毛泽东真的彻底退休，把大权交给刘少奇了？”
“莫非改朝换代的前奏即将开演？”
“莫非……”
高官们隐藏起心中的胡思乱想，饶有兴趣地竖起耳朵继续听刘少奇讲话。刘少奇说：“我多次强调，没有去蹲点的人，就没有发言权，就没有资格做中央委员、省委书记、地委书记……”
到会的高官们都知道，刘少奇曾在湖南省蹲点44天，而毛泽东从未蹲过点，所以刘少奇说的“不蹲点就没有发言权”的话，大家都感到有影射毛泽东的味道。
第一节：毛刘的交恶（2）
【接前】刘少奇与周恩来是毛泽东的左右手，按照个人资历、威望、业绩，当然是周恩来远在刘少奇之上，但毛泽东偏偏把刘少奇提拔在“第二把手”，周恩来变成“第三把手”，这无形中也助长了刘少奇的傲气。
这时，周恩来浓浓的双眉平静地横卧在他那双清澈深邃的眼睛之上，对着一板一眼讲话的刘少奇，更是一副全神贯注，生怕漏掉一个字的样子，甚至掏出一个小本子来记录。这又像要鼓舞刘少奇那颗亢奋的心，又像要节制刘少奇那越来越放肆的口吻。
在周恩来那滴水不漏、谦虚谨慎的儒家风范中，无疑两层意思都包含，可是刘少奇更愿意理解成鼓舞，他继续大胆说下去：“这几年我们党成为执政党是好事情，是成绩，乱指挥，人家也听你的。但是继续这样乱指挥下去，是要跌下台的，再不能这样搞了。”
这话犹如一颗重磅炸弹，“乱指挥”是指谁在乱指挥？“跌下台”又是说谁要跌下台？很明显，这些话都不点名地指向毛泽东。刘少奇又说：“我们不能把马克思、列宁的学说当成教条，也不能把毛泽东的著作和讲话当成教条……”
这简直就是要否定毛泽东思想了。一贯紧跟毛泽东的刘少奇，党内第一个提出“毛泽东思想”的刘少奇，现在要向毛泽东挑战了！
毛泽东虽然没有被告知参加这个会议，但毛泽东什么都不缺，其中最不缺的就是“耳目”，那才真可谓“主席不出门，便知天下事”。刘少奇既然敢这么说，当然也不怕毛泽东知道，这才叫挑战嘛。
毛泽东听到刘少奇在会上的讲话，果然生气了。如果这些挑战的话是别人说的，毛泽东倒也不至于这么生气，可是刘少奇这个挑战者的挑战资本却是毛泽东给的。如果没有毛泽东的全力提拔与扶持，刘少奇怎么可能会有党内第二把交椅的地位？刘少奇用毛泽东给他的资本来挑战毛泽东，让毛泽东难以压抑住胸中的忿怨之火狂烧。鲁迅说过：“假如同一阵营中的人，从背后给我一刀，我对他的憎恶和鄙视，是明显在敌人之上的。”毛泽东现在的心情正如鲁迅说的那样，除了生气，毛泽东更有一种男人的怨恨：“老子提拔你，你小子却反过来爬到老子头上拉屎拉尿来了！”
无疑，毛泽东已经把刘少奇的挑战之举，看成是最不逊的冒犯，即冒犯了“义”。所谓“义”是自古以来中国传统道德观念必须遵守的理念，这种“义”超出了骨肉之情，也超出了人的本性，比生命还宝贵。毛泽东虽然被誉为“共和国的缔造者，”但在这之前，毛泽东首先是一个人，一个中国人，一个无法超脱汉民族“忠义”思想的男人。毛泽东无法容忍这个“忘恩负义”的挑战！毛泽东要说话了，毛泽东要行动了，毛泽东要反击了。
第一节 毛刘的交恶（3）
【接前】毛泽东虽然生气，但他也没有被愤怒冲昏了头脑，直接去找刘少奇问罪。因为这样就成了莽汉的吵架，太没有政治斗争水平了。毛泽东绕过刘少奇给周恩来打电话，用质问的口气说：“这么重要的会议，为什么不让我参加？这次社教究竟要搞什么？当前农村的主要矛盾是什么？都没有完全搞清楚。为什么不让我谈谈我的意见呢？我有话要讲！我虽然退居二线了，还是可以讲些话的吧？”
毛泽东给周恩来打电话的用意有两个：第一个用意是把他的不满，通过周恩来转告给刘少奇；第二个用意是表示对周恩来的信任，拉拢周恩来和他一起反刘少奇。
周恩来是非常成熟的政治家，他马上领会的毛泽东这个电话的用意。周恩来明显地感到，近年来毛泽东开始疏远刘少奇，而向自己靠近。尽管毛泽东多次有意无意地向周恩来透露他对刘少奇的不满，但周恩来从来没有发表过自己的意见，这次也是一样。周恩来立即在电话中回答说：“我马上把主席的意思转达给少奇同志。我们大家都欢迎主席来讲话，这个会一直要开到12月28日才结束，请主席12月20日过来主持会议并发表讲话，好吗？”
毛泽东很满意周恩来明白自己的心意，立刻同意了周恩来的建议，决定12月20日去参加会议。于是一场载入史册的会议，就在紧张的气氛中召开了。
参加12月20日这次会议的人，都知道毛泽东今天来开会是冲着刘少奇来的。可是天有不测风云，偏偏刘少奇这天为马上要开幕的第三届全国人民代表大会准备工作而缠身，以分钟为单位安排的日程表，从早上就一环接一环往后拖了五分钟，一共办完六个议事。结果刘少奇在毛泽东已经入座后，居然还没有到场。
前面说过，毛泽东是永远最后一个进场的，在毛泽东的字典里，从来就没有“等”这个字，况且，他今天就是应刘少奇的挑战而来的。毛泽东见刘少奇本人还没有来，于是很不高兴地用讽刺的口吻说：“我们的秦始皇哪里去了，怎么不积极了？”近年来，毛泽东一直把刘少奇戏称为“秦始皇”。
大家都抿着嘴不吭声，还是邓小平有胆量，回应毛泽东说：“少奇同志说马上就到，让我们先开始。”
毛泽东气呼呼地说：“这样重要的会议，许多情况我却不了解，也没有人向我汇报。我还是党的主席，就已经遭到这样的待遇，以后还会发生什么样的事情，就很难说了。依我看，你们这两年来右倾很严重，从三届人会的准备工作就表现出来了。”
第一节 毛刘的交恶（4）
【接前】“说曹操，曹操到”，毛泽东这边话音刚落，刘少奇就匆匆忙忙地进门来了。大家以为刘少奇要先到毛泽东面前，为自己的迟到道歉几句，可是今天的刘少奇像吃错了药，一改平时对毛泽东毕恭毕敬的姿态，只是礼节性地朝毛泽东点点头，或者说是事务性地朝毛泽东点点头，淡淡地解释一句：“有点事情被缠住了。”
毛泽东心情不快，撇了一下嘴唇，又用讽刺的口吻对刘少奇说：“你现在是个忙人，我是个闲人。你来了你就先讲话，发一个号令嘛，因为你是国家主席嘛。”然后毛泽东转向大家说：“今天由少奇同志主持会议吧。”
建国以来，只要是毛泽东参加的会议，理所当然毛泽东便是会议的主持人。今天毛泽东居然一开金口，让刘少奇主持会议，大家摸不着毛泽东的意图，既不好说反对，也不好说赞成，于是大家就干脆把眼睛从毛泽东那里移开，每个人低着头，面无表情地装作看桌上的文件。
刘少奇当然也不至于傻呵呵地真的主持起会议来，他比谁都了解毛泽东，会议主持人意味着主舵方向，这个大权，只要毛泽东在，就非毛泽东莫属。于是刘少奇急忙再三执意推却，毛泽东似乎满意地咬了一下嘴唇，改口说：“那么就请少奇同志先讲话么。”
刘少奇以为自己推掉毛泽东让他主持会议的建议，谦逊的姿态也表了，毛泽东应该满意了，于是就不再推让，首先开始发言起来。
自从毛泽东搞的大跃进、人民公社运动惨败后，他不得不退居二线，由刘少奇在一线主持国家经济和恢复和调整。这几年刘少奇主持搞经济恢复，十分成功，这使得刘少奇的威信骤然上升，他自己也不免有点飘飘然起来，甚至放肆地自喻自己是“非常时期大总统”。
随着刘少奇的威信和地位的上升，很多中央高干和地方大员，渐渐开始把刘少奇奉为神明，在党内逐渐形成一种不成文的“看法”：毛泽东是一个过了时的革命家和军事家，不懂经济，毛泽东领导干革命、打江山是英明伟大的，但让他来领导搞经济建设就不行了。今后中国的中心任务是经济建设，毛泽东这样不懂经济的人，就好比旧时代的恐龙，应该退出历史舞台了，让位给刘少奇这样懂经济建设的人来领导。”
在这种“看法”的笼罩下，毛泽东的话，在党内越来越被当成是耳边风。虽说表面上人们对他的态度还是那么毕恭毕敬，可是转眼就把毛泽东的话丢到脑后去了。毛泽东也明白自己的处境，一次会见外宾的时候，他对外宾幽默地说：“他们把我当作死去的祖先，供在庙里，涂了金粉，束之高阁。”
第一节 毛刘的交恶（5）
【接前】我们还是把话题转回到这次会议上。刘少奇在众人的目光聚集下，开始讲话：“开了几天会，几个同志发了言，讲了不少问题，提出了问题，基本点是一致的：就是必须下去蹲点……”刘少奇的讲话内容中，丝毫没有提到毛泽东，果然是把毛泽东当成“死去的祖先”。
刘少奇滔滔不绝地讲下去，毛泽东看着刘少奇，脸上的不爽表情越来越明显。过去刘少奇讲话，不时要停下来征询一下毛泽东的意见，表示对毛泽东的尊重。刘少奇在1945年的七大报告中，有104处说到毛泽东的名字，1956年的八大报告中4次说到毛泽东的名字，而到了1964年的今天，刘少奇似乎忘记了毛泽东的存在，只顾讲自己，居然一次也没有提到毛泽东的名字，更没有任何要向毛泽东征询意见的表示。
刘少奇继续说：“地富反坏当了权都坏，不会有什么好的，问题是贫下中农当权。只要把这个经验整理出来，对全国的‘四清’运动都是有启发的。王光美的经验也是有重点的……”刘少奇这里说的“四清”运动，主要是整顿农村基层干部多吃多占集体财产的问题，所谓“四清”就是清账、清仓、清财务、清工分。
毛泽东见刘少奇既不提到他，也不来征询他的意见，只得主动打断刘少奇的话，说：“地富反坏是后台老板，‘四不清’干部是当权派。”
这里毛泽东说的“四不清”干部，指的是有经济问题的基层干部，即账目不清楚，仓库不清楚，财务不清楚，工分不清楚。毛泽东继续说：“发动群众就是整我们这个党，中心问题是整党，不整党没有希望。我们不要管什么阶级阶层，只要管那些当权派，共产党的当权派！他们带头不走社会主义道路！群众出几个贪污的，多吃多占的，算什么！”
毛泽东又一次把他独创的新名词亮出来，就是咄咄逼人的三个字“当权派”。无独有尔，十二年前的1942年，毛泽东发明一个“宗派”的新名词，掀起了延安大整风，把得宠斯大林于一身的王明从赫赫显要的党内第一把交椅上成功地拉了下来。现在毛泽东说的“共产党的当权派”，不是别人，正是刘少奇自己。只要刘少奇稍微一个转念，就不难悟出“当权派”这三个字里隐藏的凶兆！
是刘少奇一时糊涂了？还是刘少奇豁出去了？毛泽东说“中心问题是整党”，刘少奇却提出不同看法，说：“整党当然重要，但群众中也有严重的歪风邪气，不整也是不行的。‘四不清’分子有相当的势力，已经成为一个大的集团，抓不住他们，他们就要造反！”
过去的刘少奇，极少在会议上与毛泽东唱反调，一旦看到毛泽东的不满，就立即修改自己的主张，消除与毛泽东的分歧，或者通过自我批评达成谅解。但今天的刘少奇，已不再是过去那个刘少奇了，开始公然与毛泽东唱反调了。
第一节 毛刘的交恶（6）
【接前】毛泽东心中的不爽和不满，进一步发展到生气，他反驳刘少奇说：“群众中的歪风邪气当然要整，但首先要整党，整当权派。对待群众中的问题和对待当权派的问题，处理不能完全一样，要有个重点。先搞豺狼，后搞狐狸，这就抓到了问题的关键，你不从当权派着手不行。杜甫有一首诗中说‘擒贼先擒王’，这句话通俗明了，就是搞那个大的。大的豺狼倒了，剩下的狐狸再慢慢‘清’嘛。群众就怕你不搞那个大的，不搞那个当权派。”
刘少奇也不退让，继续与毛泽东唱反调，说：“当权派也要具体分析。有些坏干部与地富关系很密切，地富反坏分子混进组织，包括漏划的地富变成贫农和共产党员，也是当权派。现在是党内外矛盾，敌我矛盾，四清和四不清的矛盾，名种矛盾交叉。”
毛泽东有点不耐烦地说：“不管有多少矛盾交叉，首先要抓敌我矛盾性质的问题，重点是整党内走资本主义道路的当权派。”
刘少奇再次唱反调，说：“对于这个‘派’，我总是理解不了。走资本主义道路的人是有的，一讲到‘派’，人就太多了。但是资产阶级都要消亡了，怎么可能还有什么‘派’？还是有什么问题解决什么问题，不是到处都有敌我矛盾。煤炭部、冶金部，哪个是走资本主义道路的当权派？”
毛泽东被刘少奇问住了，一急之下，脱口说出：“张霖之就是。”张霖之是煤炭部部长。
中国人都是死要面子的，明知自己错了，但为了面子，不仅死不认错，还要坚持错误。毛泽东作为中国人，也很难免俗，他明白自己刚才是一时的气话，不能算数的，但他也不肯收回这句话。后来毛泽东这句随便脱口而出的气话，“文革”时居然被红卫兵奉为圣旨，把张霖之活活打死。
与会的常委们见毛泽东说出气急败坏的话，却没人敢出来调解，大家的目光都投向周恩来，希望他出面来调解一下毛主席和刘主席，这两位主席的对立情绪。
周恩来本是党内调解矛盾的高手，各种人事矛盾经周恩来一调解，常常都能化干戈为玉帛。要是在往常，早在两位主席搞得这么僵之前，周恩来就会出来打圆场了。可是今天，周恩来也一反常态，垂下浓密睫毛，两眼看着桌上的文件，右脸的酒窝不再有表情呈现，一言不发。
周恩来不出来打圆场，其他人就更不敢说话了，连邓小平也耸拉着他那下斜的眉毛，会场陷入死寂一般的沉静。
第一节 毛刘的交恶（7）
【接前】毛泽东见众人都不说话，只好转开话题说：“‘四清’就是无产阶级和资产阶级、社会主义同资本主义的斗争，重点就是当权派。抓不往问题的关键，工作就会走了样。”
刘少奇却不买毛泽东的帐，在众高官的沉默中，继续一个人唱反调说：“四清与四不清的矛盾，这是主要的。现在是党内外矛盾，敌我矛盾，四清四不清的矛盾，名种矛盾交叉在一起……”
毛泽东打断刘少奇的话，说：“不要听一些人散布的什么四清与四不清的矛盾，哪个朝代没有四不清？什么时候没有党内外矛盾的交叉？……”
刘少奇也打断毛泽东的话，说：“恐怕不能太绝对了。现在矛盾的性质，是人民内部矛盾跟敌我矛盾交织在一起。”
毛泽东立即反问说：“矛盾的性质？反社会主义就行了，还有什么性质？”
刘少奇也不示弱说：“总不是社会主义性质。”
毛泽东用他惯用的拔高手法，再次反问说：“是资本主义性质？还加个封建主义、帝国主义？”
刘少奇也用他惯用的政务说教，有理有据地说：“矛盾的性质是政治、经济、思想、组织‘四不清’，有人民内部矛盾，也有敌我矛盾，问题的复杂性就在这里。”
表面上看上去一言不发的众高官们，内心中都在进行自己的思考。他们在理性上同意刘少奇的说法，但在感情上，又是同情毛泽东的。这些高官们能有今天的地位，或多或少受到毛泽东的提拔、重用和关照，他们对毛泽东怀有感恩之心。他们也知道如果没有毛泽东的鼎力扶持，刘少奇不会有现在的地位。看到今天刘少奇这种对待毛泽东的态度，自然让不少人对毛泽东同情起来。
毛泽东似乎辩不过刘少奇，只好用自嘲的口吻说：“我看我们这个国家还是应该有个秦始皇，如果要有秦始皇是谁？就是你刘少奇，我只配给你当助手。同志们说对不对呀？我给刘少奇当个助手行不行呀？我现在已经没有刘少奇这个权威了，只能当下手。”
两位主席弥漫着火药味的唇枪舌战，与会的常委们没有人敢站出来趟浑水，既没有人站出来支持毛泽东，也没有人站出来支持刘少奇，会场鸦雀无声。从延安时代起，每当毛泽东与王明等人发生路线斗争冲突时，刘少奇总是挺身而出，坚决站在毛泽东一边，确立了毛泽东与刘少奇政治联盟，同时刘少奇也成为毛泽东的最亲密战友。让人们意想不到的是，如此几十年如一日亲密无间的老战友，居然也会反目成仇。
会后，毛泽东和刘少奇各自坐着自己的大吉斯轿车离去，周恩来布置了几句第二天的事情，也匆匆地离去。这时周恩来不愿意在毛主席和刘主席之间留下任何悬念。留下没有必要的疑惑，是政治家最容易失足的盲点，作为职业政治家的周恩来，对自己的一言一行总是小心谨慎到滴水不漏。
第一节 毛刘的交恶（8）
【接前】三位领导人一走，剩下的政治局常委们，纷纷议论起来。这些政治局常委，都是当今政权的既得利益者，他们满足自己现在这个多年浴血奋战得来的地位，认为你死我活的革命时代已经成为过去，现在到了安安稳稳坐享胜利果实的时候了。他们不希望政局变来变去，从心底里由衷地盼望运动不起，斗争不来，世态不变，自己的官位可以稳稳当当地坐下去。
如果党内第一号人物毛泽东，和党内第二号人物刘少奇反目的话，势必在党内引起一场大震动，势必进行一次权力的再分配和大洗牌。这样一来，他们这些现任的政治局常委当中，肯定会有不少人丢官，这是他们所不愿看到的。因此，常委们真心地希望毛泽东与刘少奇重归于好，希望现在的太平形势维持下去。
常委们都熟知毛泽东和刘少奇的为人，知道他们两人都是要面子的人，不会轻易认输认错。因此常委们冥思苦想，设法为毛泽东和刘少奇搭一个台阶，让两人不失面子地走下台来，言归于好。这时有人想起，再过几天12月26日，是毛泽东的生日，如果借着给毛泽东祝寿的机会，让刘少奇和毛泽东换个话题好好谈一谈，叙叙旧，或许两人也就一笑泯恩仇了。
这的确是个好办法，只是毛泽东没有生日祝寿的习惯，必须有谁去说动毛泽东办一次生日寿宴。在这些常委当中，近年来与毛泽东关系最为密切的，当属陶铸和罗瑞卿，于是两人受大家之托，去见毛泽东。
陶铸和罗瑞卿驱车赶往毛泽东住的中南海菊香书屋，去讨毛泽东的生日喜酒，想借生日宴会的名义，为毛泽东和刘少奇这两位昔日的战友，搭一条和解的喜鹊桥。中国人自古以来有以喜冲凶，以寿迎喜的习惯。
陶铸是湖南人，与毛泽东是同乡，又比毛泽东小15岁，是那种称毛泽东为大哥也不奇怪的关系。而且，陶铸和毛泽东一样，有一股子辣脾气，不过如果与他的湖南老乡大辣子彭德怀相比，陶铸就算不上真正的湖南人了。陶铸率直，但更注重行动，做起事来雷厉风行，这次出面劝毛泽东举办寿宴，可以说是非他莫属。
罗瑞卿是四川人，可是他并不矮。中国出了一个四川人邓小平，邓小平的名气往往误导人们认为四川人就是矮个子。看看罗瑞卿就知道，他的腿特别长，与他那不离身的军装非常相配。可是作为共和国戎马倥偬、身经百战的大将军，罗瑞卿的脸部构造显然太过斯文了，不知道底细的人，会误认为他是一位教授。罗瑞卿那轮廓鲜明的细长双眼，像用竹片切开一样地清秀，笑起来不露牙齿，显得他有一种内在的神经质，这是他的优点，也是他的缺点，与他后来遭受迫害自杀未遂也许有内在的关系。
第一节 毛刘的交恶（9）
【接前】这两位德高望重的共产党高官，心中忐忑地来到毛泽东的菊香书屋。因为毛泽东是一个不从轻易听人劝告的伟人，要说服毛泽东破例搞一次生日宴会，还真不是一件容易的事。果然，陶铸一开口，毛泽东连想都没想，一句话就顶回去，说：“以前有规定，中央领导人不做寿。”
陶铸也不是等闲之辈，多年的跟班，对毛泽东不愿用公款请客的作派，孤高的脾气，不敢说是了如指掌，也可以说是心领神会。陶铸知道毛泽东不会用公款请客，就装出一副无可奈何的表情，突然猛拍一下他那平平的脑后门，好像忽然想起来似地，脱口说：“主席，不是做寿啊，我们就是想请主席拿出一点您的稿费，请请客嘛。”
毛泽东早就成为中华第一的“畅销作家”，《毛泽东选集》四卷的稿费，已经是一个天文数字。陶铸这个甚至略带撒娇的建议，不仅满足了毛泽东作为“畅销作家”的虚荣心，也满足了毛泽东作为开国之父的成就感，更提供了毛泽东想做又拉不下脸做的事，那就是隐藏在毛泽东心底与刘少奇讲和的愿望。毕竟毛泽东马上就71岁了，到了人生古来稀的年龄，总会不由地生出怀旧的心境，更会生出思念旧人的旧情。
毛泽东装作左右为难的样子，然后以一个尊者的口吻说：“既然你们都要我请客嘛……，那我就请吧。”
毛泽东一旦露出好商量的口吻，马上变成一副和蔼可亲的面孔，一双下斜的眼睛有一点眯起来，眼角的鱼尾纹灿烂地绽开。陶铸和罗瑞卿顿时心头一热，更加庆幸他们今天的大胆。他们多么希望这个时候刘少奇也和他们一起，坐在毛泽东慈爱的鱼尾纹眼睛之下，仰望这令人感动的一幕。如果真是这样，也许天翻地覆的史无前例文化大革命就不会发生，也许罗瑞卿一年后（1965年）的悲惨遭遇，陶铸两年后（1966年）的悲惨遭遇就会化为乌有！命运的安排，就是这样使人惆怅，正是应了毛泽东那句千古绝唱：“天若有情天亦老，人间正道是沧桑”
陶铸和罗瑞卿兴奋地相互对视一下，一前一后地说：“生日寿宴请汪东兴同志和江青同志筹备吧？”
连这个细节他们都替毛泽东考虑周全了，毛泽东高兴地说：“叫东兴来。”
第一节 毛刘的交恶（10）
【接前】汪东兴是护卫了毛泽东十八年的警卫长。汪东兴可以说是在中国工农红军中长大的，1930年仅14岁就参加了革命，1932年16岁入党，是名副其实的“红小鬼”。自从汪东兴1947年当了毛泽东的警卫长，他的好运就一直持续下来，其实这与汪东兴的改名有很大的关系。
汪东兴原名“汪冬兴”，参加了革命，识了字以后，他了解到太阳升起的“东”，比寒冷的“冬”更吉祥、更明亮，于是就给自己改名为“汪东兴”。中国古代历来有姓氏学，一个人的名字，有时候因为“天时地利人和”会交好运。当汪东兴被介绍给毛泽东的时候，毛泽东还没有见到汪东兴，就同意汪东兴来作自己的警卫长。这一个是汪东兴的“红小鬼”经历，另一个就是汪东兴的名字。毛泽东觉得汪东兴的名字吉祥，有“泽东兴旺”的寓意。
陶铸和罗瑞卿看到毛泽东打发警卫员去叫汪东兴，马上知趣地退了出来。从毛泽东住处出来后，两人乘胜追击，驱车直奔中南海中刘少奇的住处福禄居。
陶铸和罗瑞卿本以为刘少奇得知他俩争取到毛泽东开生日宴会，会喜出望外，因为这是刘少奇不失面子地主动与毛泽东和好的一个大好机会。可是刘少奇听到这个消息后，脸上的表情无动于衷，丝毫没有高兴的表示，这让陶铸和罗瑞卿十分意外。不过两人还是苦口婆心地劝刘少奇，在毛泽东生日宴会上，借机向毛泽东赔个礼，道个歉，毕竟毛泽东是第一把手，总不好让第一把手向第二把手低头道歉吧。
听了陶铸和罗瑞卿的话，刘少奇既没有说“好”，也没有说“不好”，只是谈谈地说：“谢谢两位的好意。”
陶铸和罗瑞卿心中有点纳闷，难道刘少奇吃了秤砣，铁了心要与毛泽东闹翻吗？两人见刘少奇没有多谈的意思，只得告退出来，王光美送他们到门口。临走时，两人又用诚恳的语气，再次拜托王光美好言相劝刘少奇，一定要在毛泽东的生日宴会上，给毛泽东赔个礼，道个歉，缓和一下两人的紧张关系。
王光美却也淡淡地回答说：“我也正想与少奇谈谈心呢。”
这个似答非答的回话，让刘少奇断送了政治生命，甚至肉体的生命，这是后话了。
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