2016: Red Flag and Preparing the Ideological Ground for the Cultural Revolution

The Cultural Revolution can be thought of as Mao’s revolt against the Communist Party apparatus after Mao himself was marginalized after the famine and other disasters that followed the Great Leap Forward campaign that he initiated in the late 1950s.  Sharpening his ideological tools before the attack was an important part of his preparations. The Communist Party theoretical journal “Red Flag” played a major role in creating a new Cultural Revolution orthodoxy that enabled Mao to turn the tables on people he later called capitalist-roaders.

According to a 2008 article in the JIangsu University Journal: Social Sciences  “Hongqi’s Propaganda for Mao Zedong Thoughts before the Cultural Revolution”(转自:《江苏大学学报:社科版》(镇江)2008年2期第61~68页)  Shi Dongxiang was the collective name of a group of people in the editorial department of the Party journal Red Flag.  The membership of the group varied.  施东向是《红旗》编辑部集体写作思想评论的笔名,参加写作的人员不固定,因内容不同,人员也不同;林一舟是《红旗》农业组的笔名。

  
 
 
文革前《红旗》杂志对毛泽东思想的宣传
2011年06月20日 15:29 来源: 作者: 字号
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杨永兴
【英文标题】Hongqi’s Propaganda for Mao Zedong Thoughts before the Cultural Revolution
【作者简介】杨永兴(1979-),男,山东日照人,南京大学历史系,博士研究生,从事当代中国史研究,江苏 南京 210093
【内容提要】 《红旗》杂志作为中共中央主办的政治理论性刊物,《求是》杂志的前身,是文革爆发前宣传毛泽东思想和树立毛泽东思想权威的主要刊物之一。它主要经历了重提“毛泽东思想”、宣传毛泽东思想的国际意义和宣传“活学活用”毛泽东思想的原则等3个阶段。它虽然在维护政权合法性、维持社会秩序、激发人民大众的政治运动热情和整合大众的思想意识等方面起了相当重要的作用,但是在其宣传过程中,却出现了一系列严重的问题和后果,给我们留下了一些重要的启示。
As a political and theoretical periodical published by the Central Committee of Communist Party of China and the predecessor of Qiushi, Hongqi was one of the primary publications which propagated Mao Zedong Thoughts and built up its authority before the outbreak of the Cultural Revolution. The propaganda went through three chief stages: bringing up Mao Zedong Thoughts again, publicizing the international meaning of Mao Zedong Thoughts, and propagating the principle of flexible application of Mao Zedong Thoughts. During the propaganda of Mao Zedong Thoughts, Hongqi played a greatly important role in vindicating the validity of regime, maintaining the social order, inspiring the mass’s enthusiasm in the political movement, and conforming their ideologies. However, it also brought forth a series of serious problems and aftereffects, leaving us some important enlightenment.
【日    期】2007-07-20
【关 键 词】《红旗》杂志/毛泽东思想/宣传/问题/启示Hongqi/Mao Zedong Thoughts/propaganda/problem/enlightenment
    [中图分类号]K27  [文献标识码]A  [文章编号]1671-6604(2008)02-0061-08
    《红旗》杂志是中国共产党中央委员会主办的一份政治理论性刊物,是《求是》杂志的前身,1966年之前,是强势地宣传毛泽东思想的主导性理论刊物。从1958年6月《红旗》杂志创刊到1966年文革爆发,《红旗》杂志在宣传毛泽东思想、树立毛泽东思想权威方面,经历了重提“毛泽东思想”、宣传毛泽东思想的国际意义和宣传“活学活用”毛泽东思想的原则等3个阶段。
    一、重提“毛泽东思想”
    1945年,中共七大将毛泽东思想确立为中国共产党的指导思想,在其通过的党章总纲中明确规定:“中国共产党,以马克思列宁主义的理论与中国革命的实践之统一的思想——毛泽东思想,作为自己一切工作的指针,反对任何教条主义的或经验主义的偏向”[1]51。在党章的条文上,又规定努力领会马克思列宁主义、毛泽东思想,是每个共产党员的义务[1]54。但是1956年中共八大召开期间,所有大会文件和发言,包括刘少奇的政治报告和邓小平的修改党章报告都没有提及“毛泽东思想”,而且在八大通过的党章和决议中,也没有出现“毛泽东思想”一词,而是代之以“中国共产党以马克思列宁主义作为自己行动的指南”、“党在自己的活动中坚持马克思列宁主义的普遍真理同中国革命斗争的具体实践密切结合的原则,反对任何教条主义的或者经验主义的偏向”[2]的提法。1958年随着“大跃进”运动的深入开展,有关“毛泽东思想”的提法和论述又重新出现在中共各大报刊,其中在《红旗》杂志上表现得尤为突出。
    在《红旗》杂志上重新使用“毛泽东思想”这一提法的是《红旗》总主编、毛泽东的秘书陈伯达。在此之前,柯庆施、周扬在《红旗》杂志创刊号发表的文章中只提到过“毛泽东同志的思想”,如“党的第八届全国代表大会第二次会议,根据几年来社会主义建设的经验和毛泽东同志的思想,把党的社会主义建设的总路线确定下来,这是具有伟大历史意义的”[3]和“全国农业发展纲要四十条,党的路线政策,毛泽东同志的思想,是启发人民创作灵感的伟大力量”[4]。郭沫若则对毛泽东进行了高度的赞扬,他称毛泽东是“最伟大的一位现实主义者”,“同时又是最伟大的一位浪漫主义者”,“是伟大的革命家,同时又是伟大的作家、诗人”,“他的理论文章具有着极大的吸引力,和马克思、列宁的著作一样,其中包含着很多文学的成分”,“他不仅不断地发表着许许多多不朽的经典性的论著,在革命实践中发展了马克思列宁主义来教育六亿人民,还在工作的余暇发表了具有典型性的文艺作品,和经典性的著作具有同样的教育意义”,“我们如果要在文艺创作上追求怎样才能使革命的现实主义和革命的浪漫主义结合,毛泽东同志的诗词就是我们绝好的典范”,所以“我们要学习毛泽东同志,学习他善于在联系中国实际中运用马克思列宁主义而使革命胜利了,而使马克思列宁主义发展了,学习他善于结合浪漫主义和现实主义的方法写出了不朽的理论著作和文艺作品”[5]。
    为防止读者将自己对领袖的赞誉之词误认为是搞“个人崇拜”,郭沫若接着说:“我要坦白地说,我是敬仰毛泽东同志的。我这不是盲目的个人崇拜,我是同样反对盲目崇拜的人。所谓盲目的个人崇拜是所崇拜的对象并不是真正代表真理的个人。如果是真正代表真理的领袖,如马克思、列宁、毛泽东,我们为什么不拜为老师?当然,我们这些杰出的老师,他们也还是有老师的,那就是人民。……毛泽东同志经常告诉我们要‘从群众中来,到群众中去’。他集中了广大人民的智慧,而且还尽可能集中了古今中外的有用的知识,正因为他善学,所以他善想、善说、善做、善教。他是最民主的人民领袖,而同时又是最能循循善诱的人民教师。这样突出的个人是集体主义的结晶,这不是个人突出而是集体突出。集体突出的人物在革命事业中的领导作用,我们是不能因反对‘个人崇拜’而加以忽视。当然,我们不是单纯的敬仰,而是学习。学习得好,可能超过老师。我相信毛泽东同志也正是在这样期待着我们的”[5]。郭沫若的这一观点与毛泽东在1958年3月成都会议上的讲话中所提到的“正确的崇拜”的观点是一致的。虽然郭沫若在文章中高度颂扬了毛泽东,并提出了“学习毛泽东同志”的号召,但整篇文章都没有提到“毛泽东思想”。
    与柯庆施、周扬、郭沫若三人相比,陈伯达在其题为《在毛泽东同志的旗帜下》的文章中,首次重新使用了“毛泽东思想”这一提法,而且还对“毛泽东思想”进行了比较系统的论述。该文是陈伯达在北京大学庆祝党成立37周年大会上的讲演稿,经过其本人的整理和补充,发表在《红旗》杂志1958年第4期。在文中,陈伯达指出:“毛泽东同志思想的最主要的特色,就是(在)善于把马克思列宁主义的普遍真理同人民群众的首创精神紧紧结合起来。信任群众,依靠群众,尊重普通群众的智慧,从而在新的条件下,在新的环境中,增强了马克思列宁主义理论的百战百胜的威力”,“如果没有正确地解决马克思列宁主义普遍真理同中国革命具体实践相结合这样的任务,如果不是毛泽东思想在同各式各样错误思想的斗争中取得胜利,如果中国革命不是在毛泽东思想的旗帜下前进,那么,也就没有现在中国人民革命和社会主义建设的胜利”,“社会主义革命的伟大胜利,便潜伏着社会生产力大跃进的客观可能性。但是,这种可能性,也可以在一定时间内被压抑(例如在一九五七年),而一经过毛泽东思想的启发,这个社会生产力大跃进的势如破竹、所向无敌的形势,就形成起来了”,“在毛泽东思想的指导下,在毛泽东同志的旗帜下,在这样‘一天等于二十年’的国民经济和文化普遍高涨的时候,人们已经可以看得见我国将由社会主义逐步过渡到共产主义的为期不远的前景”。
    继陈伯达之后,“毛泽东思想”的提法并没有在《红旗》杂志上被广泛使用,只是在李柏和翦伯赞的文章中有所提及。如,“在社会主义大竞赛中,我们遵循着党的建设社会主义的总路线,以‘苦战三年,改变面貌’为目标,以马克思列宁主义和毛泽东思想为灵魂,掌握了竞赛和协作两者之间的辩证关系,时刻教育干部和群众防止和克服资本主义、本位主义的思想,发扬共产主义思想”[6],“思想问题,必须从思想上解决,即必须在广大的历史学工作者中进行马克思列宁主义和毛泽东思想的教育”,“我们全国的历史学教师都应该努力学习马克思列宁主义和毛泽东思想,只有这样才能提高历史教学的水平”[7]等。
    “毛泽东思想”的提法被广泛使用是在1959年庐山会议和八届八中全会以后。特别是为庆祝中华人民共和国成立10周年,《红旗》杂志发表了一系列国家重要领导人的庆祝文章,其中多次提到“毛泽东思想”,尤其是林彪、李富春和康生的3篇文章。林彪在文章中阐述了新时期对军队进行政治思想工作的重要性,对毛泽东军事思想进行了系统的论述,其中包括“政治工作是我军的生命线”,“人民解放军坚决支持群众运动”,“军官当兵”,“民主的工作作风”,“党对军队的绝对领导”等。最后林彪指出:“认真学习马克思列宁主义理论和毛泽东同志的著作,确立无产阶级的世界观,是我军每一个干部和共产党员必尽的义务”,“毛泽东同志关于‘东风压倒西风’和‘敌人一天天烂下去,我们一天天好起来’的英明论断,正为越来越多的事实所证实”,“让我们继续高举党的总路线和毛泽东军事思想的红旗,鼓足干劲、力争上游,为巩固国防、解放台湾、维护和平、建设祖国而奋勇前进”[8]!
    李富春在其《论我国社会主义建设的大跃进》一文中写道:“党的鼓足干劲、力争上游、多快好省地建设社会主义的总路线”,是毛泽东同志“创造性地运用马克思列宁主义关于社会主义建设的普遍真理而提出来的”,“鼓足干劲、力争上游,是要实行政治挂帅,根据社会主义经济发展的客观规律,充分发挥人们的主动性;多快好省,是要求在生产和建设中,尽可能地提高发展速度,充分发挥经济效果,不断地增强物质技术基础。也就是说,要把政治和经济统一起来”,“无数的事实证明了,毛泽东思想是我们无往而不胜的思想。因此,我们必须认真地学习毛泽东同志的著作,认真地、随时地按照毛泽东同志关于正确处理人民内部矛盾的原理,来进行工作,解决问题。只要我们很好地学习马克思列宁主义,学习毛泽东思想,我们就能够在总路线的光辉照耀下,实现国民经济的持续不断的大跃进”[9]。李富春将学习毛泽东思想与发展经济联系起来,与毛泽东的“政治工作是一切经济工作的生命线”、“政治和经济相统一”等论断是相吻合的。
    《红旗》杂志以康生的名义发表的《共产党员应当是马克思列宁主义者,不应当是党的同路人》一文是针对庐山会议后“反对右倾机会主义运动”而写的。文章在最后强调:“从这一场反对右倾机会主义的斗争中,每一个共产党员都应当进一步认识我国过渡时期阶级斗争的规律,进一步认清无产阶级革命家和资产阶级、小资产阶级革命家的区别,认清无产阶级世界观和资产阶级世界观的区别,坚决参加反对右倾机会主义的斗争,进一步学习马克思列宁主义,学习毛泽东思想,决心做一个彻底的马克思列宁主义者,不做党的同路人。让我们高举总路线的旗帜,高举马克思列宁主义的旗帜,高举毛泽东的旗帜,奋勇前进!”[10]
    以上有关“毛泽东思想”的论述,基本上仅限于国内方面,就是涉及国际方面,也仅限于具体外交政策和国际策略,而没有涉及思想意识形态层面。但是随着中苏关系的不断恶化,中苏两党之间的论战不断地公开化,“毛泽东思想”也越来越被广泛提及,并被赋予了更深一层的涵义,即毛泽东思想的国际意义。
    二、宣传毛泽东思想的国际意义
    所谓宣传毛泽东思想的国际意义,就是指树立毛泽东思想在国际上的理论正统地位,树立毛泽东思想在国际共产主义理论中的解释权,它意味着中共对苏共长期掌控国际共产主义理论解释权的挑战。对这一挑战的首次尝试,是《红旗》杂志于1960年4月16日以红旗杂志编辑部的名义发表的《列宁主义万岁》一文。此文是为纪念列宁诞生90周年而写的,《红旗》杂志也因为这篇文章的发表而受到国际的关注。文中虽然只字未提“毛泽东思想”,但其字里行间的意蕴却十分明显。例如,“根据列宁主义的观点,任何一个国家的无产阶级要取得革命的胜利,必须有一个真正马克思列宁主义的党,这个党善于把马克思列宁主义的普遍真理和本国革命的具体实践结合起来,在各个时期正确地确定革命的对象,解决组织主力军和同盟军的问题,解决依靠谁和团结谁的问题。革命的无产阶级政党必须紧紧地依靠本阶级的群众,必须紧紧地依靠农村中的半无产阶级,即广大贫农群众,建立以无产阶级为领导的工农联盟,然后才可能在这个联盟的基础上团结一切可能团结的社会力量,并且,也才有可能按照不同国家不同时期的具体情况,建立劳动人民和可以团结的非劳动人民的统一战线。如果不这样,无产阶级就不可能在各个阶段达到革命胜利的目的”[11],此乃借列宁主义的名义,将中国革命胜利的经验向国际共产主义国家推广,其深一层的含义,就是说“毛泽东思想”具有国际意义,对国际共产主义运动具有指导意义。而“中国共产党把马克思列宁主义的普遍真理同中国革命的具体实践相结合,领导全国人民,赢得了伟大的人民革命的胜利,并且沿着列宁所指出的社会主义革命和社会主义建设的共同大道,把社会主义革命进行到底,已经开始在社会主义建设的各个战线上获得了伟大的胜利。中国共产党中央根据列宁的原则,在我国的条件下,创造性地给我国人民提出了建设社会主义的总路线、大跃进和人民公社的正确方针,鼓舞了全国群众的首创的革命精神,因而正在日新月异地改变着我国的面貌”[11],这两句则明确地指出了中国革命和建设是按照列宁主义的原则进行的,是真正符合列宁的原则的,而中国革命和建设依据的又是“毛泽东思想”。
    随后,《毛泽东选集》第4卷的出版又为毛泽东思想的正统理论权威的树立提供了契机。《红旗》杂志将宣传《毛泽东选集》第4卷、诠释“毛泽东思想”同中苏论战三者很好地结合在了一起。林彪在其为《毛泽东选集》第4卷出版而写的文章中说道:“人民渴望已久的‘毛泽东选集’第4卷出版了。这是中国人民大革命胜利经验的马克思列宁主义总结”,“中国革命的胜利,是马克思列宁主义的胜利,是毛泽东思想的胜利”,“‘毛泽东选集’第四卷的出版,是中国人民政治生活中的一个重大事件;同时,由于这部著作反映了马克思列宁主义在世界上一个人口最多的大国中的胜利,所以,也是国际工人运动的一个重大事件。毛泽东同志关于敢于胜利、善于斗争的思想,关于用革命的两手对付反革命的两手的思想,关于帝国主义和一切反动派都是纸老虎的思想,关于在战略上藐视敌人、在战术上重视敌人的思想,关于在数量和装备上占劣势的人民革命武装战胜在数量和装备上占优势的反革命武装的思想,以及其他方面的思想和理论,都将在历史的长时期中保持它的伟大生命力。用毛泽东思想武装我们的头脑,保卫马克思列宁主义的纯洁性,反对形形色色的现代修正主义思潮,是我们当前重要的战斗任务”[12]。就这样,“毛泽东思想”不仅仅被解释为指导中国革命胜利的思想武器,而且也是国际共产主义运动中保卫马克思列宁主义和反对现代修正主义的思想武器,为毛泽东思想的权威正统性奠定了理论基础。另外,《红旗》杂志编辑部在副总主编邓力群的主持下,也对《毛泽东选集》第4卷的出版进行了系统的宣传,发表了一系列评论性文章①。它们基本上都有一个共同的特点,那就是都注重将中国革命的经验向世界推广,认为中国革命的胜利经验具有很重要的国际指导意义,注重阐述毛泽东思想与马克思列宁主义的关系问题,开始将毛泽东关于中国革命的战略策略理论和关于国际问题的论点普遍化、国际化。
    随着中苏关系不断恶化和中苏两党论战不断升级并最终公开化,“毛泽东思想”被赋予为马克思列宁主义的正统理论和具有国际指导意义的意向越来越明显。1962年11月16日,《红旗》杂志为纪念莫斯科宣言5周年和莫斯科声明2周年发表了一篇题为《保卫马克思列宁主义的纯洁性》的社论文章。在该社论文章中,作者写道:“毛泽东同志反复强调马克思列宁主义的真理,不是教条而是行动的指南。中国共产党人如果不懂得理论和实际相联系,中国革命是永远不会胜利的。指导中国革命取得胜利的毛泽东思想的特征,就是马克思列宁主义的普遍真理同中国实际相结合”,“以毛泽东同志为首的中国共产党是在反对右倾机会主义和‘左’倾教条主义的两条路线的斗争中成熟和发展起来的。中国革命和建设事业的胜利,就是中国共产党的马克思列宁主义的路线的胜利”[13]。该社论文章将“毛泽东思想”塑造成了保卫马克思列宁主义纯洁性、反对修正主义和教条主义的思想武器。朱波、郑惠在其文章《列宁论过渡时期的阶级斗争》中也多次强调:“毛泽东同志关于过渡时期阶级斗争的理论,正是根据列宁的思想、根据社会主义建设的新经验所作的进一步的概括”,“毛泽东同志关于两类矛盾的学说,同列宁的思想是完全符合的。这是对马克思列宁主义的重大发展”[14]。
    类似的论调在《红旗》杂志刊登的文章还有很多,例如,“有些人努力找一切可能的机会,用可耻的歪曲,来攻击中国共产党关于‘帝国主义和一切反动派都是纸老虎’的论点。中国共产党的这一论点,是根据列宁关于帝国主义是垂死的、腐朽的资本主义这一个科学的论断而形成的,是根据中国长期的革命经验和历史上的一切革命经验而形成的。这一论点,同列宁所说的帝国主义是‘泥足巨人’、‘稻草人’、‘外强中干的敌人’、‘没有力量奈何我们的资本主义野兽’等等说法,是完全一致的”[15],“十多年来,毛泽东同志关于帝国主义和一切反动派都是纸老虎的论点,为世界范围内发生的许多事实所检验,证明它是正确的”[16],“毛泽东同志关于坚持马克思列宁主义的普遍真理和反对教条主义这两方面的相互联系的论述,同列宁的观点是完全一致的”[17],等等。由此可见,毛泽东思想的理论正统权威此时此刻已经基本上被确立起来了。
    1965年9月3日,为纪念中国人民抗日战争胜利20周年,《红旗》杂志又以林彪的名义发表了《人民战争胜利万岁》一文,此文则最终确立了毛泽东思想的国际意义。文中写道:“毛泽东同志关于人民战争的理论,经过中国革命的长期实践的检验,证明是符合人民战争的客观规律,是无往而不胜的。它不仅适用于中国,而且是对世界各被压迫民族和被压迫人民革命斗争的伟大贡献”,“毛泽东同志关于建立农村革命根据地、以农村包围城市的理论,对于今天世界上一切被压迫民族和被压迫人民的革命斗争,特别是对于亚洲、非洲、拉丁美洲被压迫民族和被压迫人民反对帝国主义及其走狗的革命斗争,更是突出地具有普遍的现实意义”,“我们的时代是一个世界资本主义和帝国主义走向灭亡、社会主义和共产主义走向胜利的时代。毛泽东同志关于人民战争的理论,不但是中国革命的产物,而且带有时代的特征。第二次世界大战以后各国人民革命斗争的新经验不断证明,毛泽东思想是世界革命人民的共同财富。这就是毛泽东思想的伟大的国际意义”[18]。就这样,“毛泽东思想”被诠释为世界革命运动的指导思想,并被赋予了国际意义。
    三、宣传“活学活用”毛泽东思想的原则
    1960年10月,中共中央革命军事委员会扩大会议,根据林彪的提议,向全军发出了“高举毛泽东思想红旗,把毛泽东思想真正学到手”的号召,全军掀起了学习毛泽东著作的热潮。随后又提出“坚持‘四个第一’”、“发扬‘三八作风’”、“人人读毛主席的书,听毛主席的话,照毛主席的指示办事,做毛主席的好战士”等口号,将学习毛泽东思想的浪潮越推越高,而一直贯彻始终的是“活学活用”毛泽东思想这一学习方法。到1962年八届十中全会以后,特别是城乡社会主义教育运动广泛开展后,“活学活用”毛泽东思想被推广到社会各个方面的工作之中,全国掀起了工农兵群众“活学活用”毛泽东思想的热潮。其中,《红旗》杂志在介绍人民解放军学习毛泽东思想经验方面、诠释和推广“活学活用”方法方面起了推波助澜的作用。
    1963年8月1日,《红旗》杂志第15期发表了肖华撰写的文章《以毛泽东思想为指针,进行活的思想教育》。该文首次论述了林彪是如何创造性地运用了毛泽东思想、人民解放军是如何学习毛泽东思想以及学习毛泽东思想的方法等问题。在文中肖华指出:“林彪同志创造性地运用毛泽东思想,指出政治思想因素是我军战斗力诸因素中的首要因素。他指出,我军必须根据党中央和毛泽东同志历来的指示,在处理武器和人的关系中,把人的因素放在第一位;在处理各种工作和政治工作的关系中,把政治工作放在第一位;在政治工作中,把思想工作放在第一位;在思想工作中,把进行活的思想教育放在第一位”,“进行活的思想教育,最根本的问题,就是要以马克思列宁主义的普遍真理同中国革命和建设的具体实践相结合的思想——毛泽东思想为指针,来回答和解决革命斗争现实生活中的各种思想问题和实际问题,也就是说,用毛泽东思想来武装全体官兵的头脑,使他们自觉地按照毛泽东同志的指示行动”,“我们学习毛泽东思想的办法是,‘带着问题学’,‘活学活用,急用先学,学用结合’。具体说来,就是国内外形势、党的政策、军队任务提出了什么新的问题,就学什么;进行什么政治思想运动和政治教育就学什么;做什么工作就学什么。一句话,要解决什么问题就学什么。……总之,是以毛泽东思想之‘矢’,射部队实际之‘的’,从实际斗争中学习毛泽东同志观察和处理问题的立场、观点和方法。这样学,内容少而精,紧紧结合实际,学了就能运用,在实际运用中又能进一步加深理解,广大官兵就越学越感到亲切,越学越感到有用,越学越爱学”[19]等。
    接着,《红旗》杂志发表了一系列评论性文章,对林彪提出的在军队中广泛实行的“坚持‘四个第一’”、“活学活用毛泽东思想”等指示进行详尽的论述,并将其推广到一切工作之中。郭力军在其文章中写道:“‘人的因素第一’的思想,是具有普遍意义的马克思列宁主义思想,既适用于战争,也适用于我们的一切工作。我们的社会主义革命和社会主义建设事业能否顺利发展,物质条件固然是重要的因素,但决定的因素是人,是我国人民的社会主义觉悟和革命精神,是广大干部和广大群众的社会主义的积极性和创造性”,“‘四个第一’的思想,不但是解放军的政治工作和军队建设的方向,对于全国各项工作来说,都具有普遍意义。现在全国都在学习解放军,学习解放军这种无产阶级化的革命精神,学习解放军一贯重视政治工作、坚决贯彻‘四个第一’的经验。这是一个伟大的学习运动,它将把全国各个战线上的人们的积极性和创造性充分发挥起来,把人们的革命精神更加发扬起来,迎接我们伟大祖国的社会主义建设事业的新的高潮”[20 ]。肖华在其文章中说道:“林彪同志提出的这种活学活用的方法,是‘理论和实践统一’的原则的具体化”,“实践证明,带着问题学,活学活用,是马克思列宁主义的学习方法,是把毛泽东思想变为广大官兵手中武器的正确道路。凡是按照这条路子走的,学习效果就好;离开这条路子,学习效果就差,甚至走到邪路上去”,“活学活用毛泽东思想的一个基本做法,就是从实际出发,需要什么就学什么”,“活学活用毛泽东思想,在学习问题上打破了少数人关在房子里读书的观念”[21]。
    《红旗》杂志评论员在其一系列文章中也明确指出:“人民解放军的丰富的思想政治工作经验,无疑是我们党和国家的一项宝贵财产,它对于我们在各个时期、各个方面的工作都是十分有用的”[22],“政治统率一切,把政治工作看做其他工作的灵魂,这是马克思列宁主义的一项普遍原则,它当然不仅适用于军事领域,也适用于其他各个方面”[23],“所谓进行活的思想教育,就是说,我们的思想工作必须做到、渗透到这种反复进行的‘从群众中来,到群众中去’的过程中去。这样的思想工作,才是真正生动、活泼,并且富有成效的”[24],“人民解放军政治工作‘四个第一’的原则,首先指出的是,在处理人和武器的关系时,必须把人的因素放在第一位。这就是说,在人和物的关系中,决定的因素是人不是物。这是马克思列宁主义的一个根本观点。实际上,不但在处理军队中人和武器的关系时必须坚持这样的观点,而且在从事社会主义建设,从事其他一切工作时,也必须坚持这样的观点”[25]等。
    随着“活学活用”毛泽东思想被推广到工农兵群众之中,毛泽东思想的权威也被提升到了无以复加的地位,以致“文革”后一发而不可收拾。例如,“发扬无产阶级的革命坚持性,最根本的,就是要坚持毛泽东思想。不仅我们这一代要把毛泽东思想坚持下去,还要传给后代,世世代代地坚持下去。毛泽东思想是在帝国主义崩溃、社会主义胜利的时代,在中国人民的伟大革命斗争中,把马克思列宁主义的普遍真理,同中国革命和建设的实践结合起来,创造性地发展了的马克思列宁主义。毛泽东思想是我国阶级斗争、生产斗争、科学实验三大革命运动的指针”[26];“毛泽东思想引导我国人民从一个胜利走向又一个胜利,它最彻底地代表了工人阶级和其他广大劳动群众的利益,最彻底地为他们的利益服务;同时,毛泽东思想也是当代反对帝国主义和现代修正主义的锐利武器”,“毛泽东思想是指导无产阶级革命的真理”[27];“毛泽东思想不仅是研究社会科学的锐利武器,也是研究自然科学的锐利武器”[28];“毛泽东思想挂了帅,就能够随时、随地汲取革命思想的营养”[29];“突出政治,政治挂帅,就是毛泽东思想挂帅,就是把活学活用毛泽东思想放在一切工作的首位,加强政治工作。在各项工作中,凡是这样做了的,就能坚持正确的方向,战胜任何困难,取得出色的成绩;凡是没有这样做或者做得不好的,就必然没有起色,甚至会走到邪道上去。这是在我们的实践中一再证明了的真理”[30];“毛泽东思想是我们进行革命和建设的最高指示。只要我们采取活学活用的方法,在‘用’字上狠下功夫,在一切工作中用毛泽东思想挂帅,我们就会无往而不胜”[31]等。
    四、几点启示
    文革前《红旗》杂志对毛泽东思想的宣传,对于大跃进运动、人民公社化运动、中苏论战、社会主义教育运动以及后来的文化大革命等运动的发动和开展确实起了很重要的推动作用。但是在其宣传毛泽东思想的过程中,也出现了一系列问题,给我们留下了一些重要启示。
    首先就是对于“毛泽东思想”具体内容和确切含义的界定。自中共七大以来,这一问题没有明确阐述,所以“毛泽东思想”很容易被理解为或被诠释为“毛泽东的思想”、“毛泽东的讲话”、“毛泽东的指示”。毛泽东思想权威的树立,实质上就成了对毛泽东个人权威的树立。《红旗》杂志几乎每篇文章都要引用毛泽东的话作为论述某一个问题的凭据,然后再加以诠释。
    对此,邓小平在中共十届三中全会上的讲话中指出:“要对毛泽东思想有一个完整的准确的认识,要善于学习、掌握和运用毛泽东思想的体系来指导我们各项工作。”他说:“毛泽东同志在这一个时间,这一个条件,对某一个问题所讲的话是正确的,在另外一个时间,另外一个条件,对同样的问题讲的话也是正确的;但是在不同的时间、条件对同样的问题讲的话,有时分寸不同,着重点不同,甚至一些提法也不同。所以我们不能够只从个别词句来理解毛泽东思想,而必须从毛泽东思想的整个体系去获得正确的理解。……毛泽东思想是个体系,是发展了的马克思主义。”[32]1981年6月在中共中央十一届六中全会通过的《关于建国以来党的若干历史问题的决议》明确指出:“毛泽东思想是马克思列宁主义在中国的运用和发展,是被实践证明了的关于中国革命的正确的理论原则和经验总结,是中国共产党集体智慧的结晶。我党许多卓越领导人对它的形成和发展都作出了重要贡献,毛泽东同志的科学著作是它的集中概括。”[33]
    其次,《红旗》对毛泽东思想权威的宣传和树立,具有为接下来的政治运动开路的性质。大跃进期间重提毛泽东思想,主要就是为“三面红旗”寻找理论依据。宣传毛泽东思想的国际意义,树立毛泽东思想的持续有效性和理论正统地位,也是为了在中苏论战中找到可以与所谓的“现代修正主义”相抗衡的论战资本。而“活学活用”毛泽东思想由部队向全国推广,也主要是为了当时的城乡社会主义教育运动开展的。
    再次,在宣传毛泽东思想的过程中出现了教条化和形式化的倾向,尤其是“活学活用”毛泽东思想的提出和被推广以后,情况更为严重。例如,“学习毛主席著作对于发展我国气象工作有着深刻的意义,学习毛泽东思想就可以找到气象工作的指针”[34];“要办好农业中学”,“必须加强对毛泽东思想的学习,高举毛泽东思想红旗,牢固地确立无产阶级的教育思想”[35];“我国乒乓球队的胜利,确实不是偶然的”,他们的胜利,“是由于高举毛泽东思想的伟大红旗,不断革命,不断进步,做到思想过硬、技术过硬的结果”[36];“大庆油田地质工作的胜利,是毛泽东思想的胜利”[37];等。这种宣传,已经具有将毛泽东思想教条化的倾向,从根本上说,是违背马克思列宁主义和毛泽东思想的革命精神的。
    注释:
    ①相关文章有:社论《在战略上藐视敌人,在战术上重视敌人》(《红旗》1960年第19期第13~17页);红旗杂志编辑部文章《中国人民革命胜利经验的基本总结——为“毛泽东选集”第4卷的出版而作》(《红旗》1960年第20,21合期,第1~13页);邓力群、吴江的《辩证法是革命的代数学——读“毛泽东选集”第四卷》(《红旗》1960年第20,21合期,第18~35页);闻师润的《科学的论断和预见——学习“毛泽东选集”第四卷关于国际问题的论点》(《红旗》1960年第22期,第7~21页)和《集中力量,各个解决》(1960年第24期,第16~26页);肖述、杨甫的《党的政策是革命胜利的保证》(《红旗》1960年第22期,第22~34页);任会波的《反动派的本性决不会改变》(《红旗》1960年第23期,第22~31页);施东向:《中国革命两个阶段的区别和衔接》(1961年第1期,第29~41页)和《把党的政策交给群众》(1961年第2期,第1~4页);叶剑英的《伟大的战略决战》(1961年第2期,第9~20页);林一舟的《民主革命中的农民问题》(1961年第5期,第27~37页);肖述的《社会主义革命中的农民问题》(1961年第6期,第28~41页);闻师润、夏金的《谈胸中有“数”》(1961年第13期,第25~29页);杜敬、张先畴的《坚持“从群众中来,到群众中去”的领导方法》(1961年第14期,第1~8页);杜敬的《其实是前进得更快了——学习土地改革历史文件的几点体会》(1961年第20期,第6~14页);吴介民的《谦虚是恰如其分地反映实际》(1962年第2期,第25~32页)等。其中,闻师润是《红旗》文艺组的笔名,参加写作的有吴介民、徐行、钟林等同志;肖述是《红旗》哲学组部分同志的笔名;任会波是王忍之、郑慧、宋波的笔名;施东向是《红旗》编辑部集体写作思想评论的笔名,参加写作的人员不固定,因内容不同,人员也不同;林一舟是《红旗》农业组的笔名。
【参考文献】
    [1]盛继红.中国共产党党章汇编[G].北京:中国人民大学出版社,1991.
    [2]中共中央文献研究室.建国以来重要文献选编:第9册[G].北京:中央文献出版社,1994:314.
    [3]柯庆施.劳动人民一定要做文化的主人[J].红旗,1958(1):28-32.
    [4]周扬.新民歌开拓了诗歌的新道路[J].红旗,1958(1):33-38.
    [5]郭沫若.浪漫主义和现实主义[J].红旗,1958(3):1-8.
    [6]李柏.热烈的竞赛,亲密的协作[J].红旗,1958(8):39-41.
    [7]翦伯赞.目前历史教学中的几个问题[J].红旗,1959(10):21-31.
    [8]林彪.高举党的总路线和毛泽东军事思想的红旗阔步前进[J].红旗,1959(19):16-25.
    [9]李富春.论我国社会主义建设的大跃进[J].红旗,1959(19):33-42.
    [10]康生.共产党员应当是马克思列宁主义者,不应当是党的同路人[J].红旗,1959(19):51-55.
    [11]红旗杂志编辑部.列宁主义万岁[J].红旗,1960(8):1-29.
    [12]林彪.中国人民革命战争的胜利是毛泽东思想的胜利[J].红旗,1960(19):1-12.
    [13]红旗杂志编辑部.保卫马克思列宁主义的纯洁性——纪念莫斯科宣言五周年和莫斯科声明二周年[J].红旗,1962(22):1-6.
    [14]朱波,郑惠.列宁论过渡时期的阶级斗争[J].红旗,1962(23,24合期):5-14.
    [15]红旗杂志编辑部.列宁主义和现代修正主义[J].红旗,1963(1):1-8.
    [16]邵铁真.革命的辩证法和对帝国主义的认识[J].红旗,1963(1):9-16.
    [17]红旗杂志编辑部.再论陶里亚蒂同志同我们的分歧——关于列宁主义在当代的若干重大问题[J].红旗,1963(3,4合期):1-83.
    [18]林彪.人民战争胜利万岁——纪念中国人民抗日战争胜利二十周年[J].红旗,1965(10):1-28.
    [19]肖华.以毛泽东思想为指针,进行活的思想教育[J].红旗,1963(15):14-23.
    [20]郭力军.“四个第一”的辩证法[J].红旗,1964(4):18-25.
    [21]肖华.我军指战员怎样学习毛泽东著作[J].红旗,1964(10):27-34.
    [22]本刊评论员.把思想工作放在首要的地位[J].红旗,1964(5):14-20.
    [23]本刊评论员.政治工作是一切工作的生命线[J].红旗,1964(6):40-45.
    [24]本刊评论员.从实际出发,进行思想工作[J].红旗,1964(7,8合期):1-7.
    [25]本刊评论员.论人的因素第一[J].红旗,1964(10):20-26.
    [26]宋任穷.发扬无产阶级的革命坚持性[J].红旗,1964(20):8-12.
    [27]闻师润.坚决把毛泽东思想学到手——介绍廖初江、丰福生、黄祖示学习毛泽东著作的经验[J].红旗,1964(23,24合期):6-17.
    [28]唐敖庆.毛泽东思想是研究自然科学的锐利武器[J].红旗,1965(11):15-21.
    [29]关锋.为共产主义事业献出一切——读王杰同志的日记[J].红旗,1965(12):29-33.
    [30]红旗杂志编辑部.政治是统帅,是灵魂——一九六六年元旦社论[J].红旗,1966(1):1-3.
    [31]本刊评论员.工农兵群众掌握理论的时代开始了[J].红旗,1966(2):16-19.
    [32]邓小平.完整地准确地理解毛泽东思想[M]∥邓小平文选:第2卷.北京:人民出版社,1994:42-43.
    [33]中共中央文献研究室编.十一届三中全会以来党的历次全国代表大会中央全会重要文件选编:上册[G].北京:中央文献出版社,1997:196.
    [34]顾震潮.学习毛泽东思想,做好气象工作[J].红旗,1964(19):21-23.
    [35]陈光.江苏省农业中学创办七周年[J].红旗,1965(4):36-47.
    [36]荣高棠.从第二十八届世界比赛看我国乒乓球队的成长[J].红旗,1965(7):9-20.
    [37]闵豫.在毛泽东思想指导下的大庆油田开发工作[J].红旗,1965(13):23-28.^
转自:《江苏大学学报:社科版》(镇江)2008年2期第61~68页
责任编辑:刘悦

 

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2015: Li Jiang 李江:  Why should China’s foreign affairs strategy change gear?*

This translation is by a friend of mine who wishes to remain anonymous.  The article appeared on both the Financial Times Chinese language website in July 2015 as well as on the PRC liberal intellectual discussion website Aisixiang.

中国外交战略为何转变?

FT中文网撰稿人李江:在当前的条件下,中国外交战略显得强硬可能是试图通过外交为棘手的内政问题寻找出路,加强意识形态控制,利用反腐整顿吏治均是表现。

Li Jiang 李江:  Why should China’s foreign affairs strategy change gear?*

What are the key factors driving China’s foreign policy shift from ‘low’ to ‘assertive’? Deteriorating relations with neighbouring countries or changes in the global power structure explain little: domestic factors are key. Driving change are a problematic economic growth model, political and social instability, and the need to divert patriotism and nationalism from domestic targets. China is on the global periphery; military aggression against the core is unsustainable. Tough foreign policy only makes sense against the background of domestic issues raising the stakes of regime preservation.

Recently, China’s accelerating island reclamation in the South China Sea (SCS) has drawn strong reactions from Southeast Asia and the US. MFA State Boundary and Ocean Affairs Division director Ouyang Yujing 欧阳玉靖 even states that ‘China has the right to designate ADIZ’s.’ For Southeast Asia, China’s sovereignty over the disputed waters is an extension of imperial arrogance. For the US military, the act is tantamount to provoking US forces in the Asia-Pacific, and may immediately destroy the balance of power.

US foreign policy circles are dominated by realists, with liberal thinking merely offering policy-makers further perspectives on and means of realising the national interest; this is quite different from the EU states. Realists argue that behind the increasingly tough stance China has taken in the SCS and other issues, there must be a strategic, not just tactical change. Even Chinese scholars accept that since Xi Jinping took office, the tone of China’s diplomacy has switched from ‘low’ to ‘assertive.’ So, what are the key factors driving this shift?

The international power structure is not why China’s foreign strategy is shifting

Many Chinese scholars and diplomats explain this change as a passive reaction to continuing deterioration of China’s international security environment. This does not hold water, because the deterioration is not the result of structural change, but rather is caused by the state of play of its own foreign policy. By the end of 2012, during a workshop on China issues at the London School of Economics, experts attending reached a consensus on one issue: Chinese diplomacy suffered a major setback between 2008 and 2012.

Shortly after the end of the Beijing Olympics spending spree, China’s relations with Japan and Southeast Asia rapidly deteriorated due to historical grievances, territorial disputes, etc. When Obama declared the ‘Asia-Pacific rebalancing’ strategy 5 January 2012, many Southeast Asian states publicly welcomed the US to ‘return to the Asia-Pacific.’ By the end of 2013, the Philippines, Indonesia and other countries had welcomed Japan’s ‘re-armament.’ Relations between China and the DPRK, regarded as a quasi-ally, are no longer just ‘seemingly united but actually alienated’. Its shooting of Chinese citizens, un­authorised nuclear testing and other events evidence weakening Chinese control. Long-standing wary Indian and Mongolian attitudes to China have become starker. As for Sino-Russian relations, despite the strategic reliance of the two, and the existence of a close working relationship, Russia’s fear of and wary attitude to China have not altered, despite Beijing’s continued friendliness to Moscow when it became isolated after the Crimea conflict.

For many years there has been no practical breakthrough in relations between China and Central Asia. Chinese scholars and officials think this is the result of Central Asia uniting with the West as junior partners to contain China; they are in denial however about what their diplomatic strategy and tactics have led to. If China wants to improve foreign relations through diplomatic means, it should revisit the history of international relations in the 18th and 19th centuries in Europe.

Structuralists believe that this change is the result of changes in the global power structure. Structure is seen as the way power is distributed, and the rules as to how this happens (I’m trying to give a layman’s account of ‘structure’ as defined by Waltz). Structuralists argue that structure is one of the key factors affecting a country’s foreign policy. In their view, changes in China’s foreign strategy are driven by change of the global power structure, and the key cause of changes in the structure is the decline of the Western world like the US, and the rise of the emerging countries like China. The danger of power structure shifts caused by changes in relative strength lies not in the change itself, but in being faster than the original structure can adjust to.

Historically, such rapid but intense structural change is often accompanied by war. Napoleon’s France, Germany in two world wars, and Japan in World War II led to international war. In looking at history, it is reasonable for realists to have pessimistic expectations: namely war between China and the US (or other Western countries). However, history does not simply repeat itself; war between the great powers is unlikely at present.

 

There are serious limitations in the structuralist perspective. It can help explain development and change in national diplomacy strategy, but its neglect of domestic internal factors make structuralists often draw the wrong conclusions.

Changes in China’s domestic political and economic ideas cannot be overlooked

Analysis of China’s changing foreign policy must focus on its internal factors. The most important include economic development, political stability and changes in thinking. If you re-examine these factors, we find that the situation is quite grim.

In China, the concepts of ‘development’ and ‘growth’ of the economy have been confused, but officials are most concerned about economic growth. Every year since 2008, Premiers Wen Jiabao and Li Keqiang have stressed China’s economic difficulties. In terms of historical data, Q2 2010 began a marked decline in economic growth. Data released on 15 July 2015 shows growth declining to 7 percent (international media widely question the authenticity of this). The enormous downward pressure popularised the term ‘new normal’. But the real worry is the level of economic development in China, the core of which is the level of industrialisation. China’s industrial output is enormous, but in the account Yue Jian­yong 岳健勇 gives in the ‘Myth of the Chinese model—the marriage of market Leninism with global capitalism’, it is actually technology-less industrialisation. The rise of any great power in history accompanies leaps in industrial technology.

China has long been relying on cheap factors, achieving high growth at the expense of human rights and environ- mental protection, leading China’s development to depend on core countries, with industrial upgrading a distant hope. The shortcomings of this model will be revealed beyond doubt as soon as costs rise and the external economic environment deteriorates; this is the situation China is currently experiencing. The price China pays is sky-high local debt, severe overcapacity, massive ranks of the unemployed, rising working class awareness of protecting their rights, shocking environmental pollution and depletion of resources, and so on.

For CCP leaders, political stability is essential for the security of their regime. Political stability on the one hand refers to stability in relations between the power holders, and monopoly over state power of certain political groups. Specifically, it guarantees to keep the struggle between powerful groups from jeopardising the Party itself, as well as smooth transfers of power, with power always resting in the Party’s hands. There have been attempts to introduce inner-party democracy and orderly competition to improve the political ecology. However, the gaoling of Bo Xilai and Zhou Yongkang betokens not only the failure of this effort, but also that political instability is completely out in the open. On the other hand, political stability also refers to social stability: the CPC and the government must guarantee effective social order. The continued decline in China’s economic growth is however shaking the social order. Premier Wen Jiabao said in November 2008, ‘We must be soberly aware that without a certain pace of economic growth… factors affecting social stability will increase.’ Of course, social unrest is not just caused by economic slowdown. Rampant corruption, a huge gap between rich and poor, environmental pollution, residence discrimination and exorbitant medical costs, etc., are also important sources of social unrest.

In addition, the ideological crisis worries policy-makers in the same way. The Wang Lin affair ripped high society’s fig-leaf off. Widespread cynical and consumerist discourse and ideas, and the lack of mainstream values make society as a whole look decadent, chaotic and manic. Interestingly, the Chinese people have become confident in foreign relations. A lot of survey research shows that most Chinese people believe that the West is in decline, and that China becoming as powerful as the US is just around the corner. Such confidence provides a breeding ground for patriotism and nationalism.

Seeking a way out of thorny domestic issues in foreign relations?

While China acts quite confident, even ambitious, in the international arena, Beijing’s core policy-makers cannot be oblivious to the country’s current situation. Moreover, domestic politics always ranks as the highest priority in any issue. For the CCP leaders, the most important thing is to ensure the Party’s supremacy. Given that stability of the regime itself is under serious challenge, they are unlikely to make both internal and external enemies; after all, the customary tactic of rulers of ancient China—transferring civil strife through foreign aggression—is not applicable in the present day.

More to the point, China cannot afford to challenge the international order. The famous British strategist Michael Cox argues that China is far inferior to the US in both hard and soft power, and cannot close the gap in a short time. More critical is that China, a dependent state in the world-system, simply cannot meet the costs incurred in launching wars with the core states. China may become a challenger of the order only after genuinely becoming an industrial state with considerable autonomy, at least like old Germany, Japan or the Soviet Union.

Under present conditions therefore, China’s foreign relations strategy seeming tough and aggressive is more likely to be because it is trying to find a way out of thorny domestic issues through its foreign relations. We can see at present China’s officials constantly strengthening ideological and rhetorical control, using anti-corruption to rectify the bureaucracy, and adopting a series of stringent stability-maintenance measures to preserve social order. Introduction of the new national security laws is a culmination of stability maintenance thinking and techniques. All this effort is for the continuation of the regime.

Clearly therefore, its so-called strategic intent is driven by domestic factors. Firstly it is out of concern for security and diversification of commodity imports; secondly to promote exports, especially to digest severe domestic overcapacity; and thirdly in a search of higher-yielding investment channels for its increasingly devalued foreign exchange reserves. Another overlooked aim is to divert domestic pressures and relieve the crisis of ideological hollowing, by means of China- style nationalism. The signs of this can be clearly seen in Chinese public attitudes towards Japan. Many people are puzzled why Russia, which similarly caused major catastrophes in China, does not enjoy the same treatment.

Due to the lack of accurate understanding of China’s internal issues, and the blinding of decision-makers by some powerful pressure groups, Washington has made a regret­t­able misjudgement of Beijing’s foreign affairs strategy. It should be noted, these pressure groups often wrongly compare China to the former German Empire, Nazi Germany or the Soviet Union, a view which ignores how deeply integrated the world and international systems are under the domination of the US and China, as well as the fact that China’s industrial strength is completely inferior to that of the US. An understanding of China must therefore be placed in the context of China’s own historical experience and current reality. Otherwise, we will only see the China of Western imagination.

 

 


*      Li Jiang, “Zhongguo waijiao zhanlüe weihe zhuanbian” [Why should China’s foreign affairs strategy ahift?], Aisixiang, 24 July 2015 [李江:“中国外交战略为何转变?”,思想2015年7月 24日 (in Chinese).].

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Esperanto in China

I remember noticing Esperanto 世界语 on Radio Peking shortwave broadcast in the 1970s.   Later, I read an account of the history of that Russian transplant in China, Lysenkoism/Michurinism, 米丘林科学 one of the many foolish policies that led to mass starvation after the Great Leap Forward that noted that Michurinism (deep plowing, cold conditioning of seeds to make them sprout earlier) reached China from Russia through Esperantists who saw the language as their window on the world.

A Xinhua Wenzhai in the early 1980s on Esperanto in China said that the Left Wing Writers Union  中国左翼作家联盟  promoted it in the 1930s.   Some leading Chinese intellectuals including Academica Sinica founder Cai Yuanpei, Lu Xun and Ba Jin studied Esperanto.

References:

Xinhua in 2004 ran an article from the Chinese National Esperatno Society on the 100th anniversary of Esperanto in China. http://news.xinhuanet.com/ziliao/2004-01/13/content_1272850.htm
世界语在中国一百年
来源:中华全国世界语协会

    世界语大概是在清朝末年传入我国的,至今已经100年。由于它能入乡随俗,同我国的进步文化运动和民族解放运动相结合,很快在我国扎下了根,新中国建立后它又服务于对外宣传事业以及中外文化交流,取得的成绩超过旧中国任何一个时期。由于得到党和政府的支持,加上改革开放的良好环境,世界语在中国能够不断发展。

三个渠道传入我国

1929年5月12日,巴金(后排左起第一人)与
上海世界语协会的负责人以及奥地利世界语者EBNER(前排左起第三人)合影

大约在二十世纪初,世界语便由俄国、日本和西欧三个渠道传入我国。经商的俄国人首先把它带到哈尔滨,又由哈尔滨带到上海,陆式楷等人参加了学习。以后陆式楷在上海开办夜校,使世界语逐步从上海传到全国。    在日本学习的中国留学生刘师培、张继等人向无政府主义者大杉荣先生学习世界语,他们回国后,一面鼓吹无政府主义,一面在上海创办世界语传习所,推广世界语。

留学法国的华南圭、吴稚晖、褚民谊、许论博等人,以及留学英国的杨曾诰先生,也学习了世界语,并创办《世界语科学文学》杂志和《新世纪》周刊,宣传、推广世界语。这批人回国后也热心世界语的传播。刘师复除用世界语宣传无政府主义外,还把推翻满清建立中华作为自己的目标,至死不渝。

一批知名人士倡导世界语

上世纪初,一批进步的知识分子也学习了世界语,如蔡元培、鲁迅、周作人、胡愈之、巴金、恽代英等人。有的虽然未学习过世界语,但对世界语的世界大同、人类一家的理想,也表示赞同,如孙中山、陈独秀、钱玄同等人。由于有上述两部分人的提倡,使世界语在中国逐步传播开来。上海、北京、广州、汉口是上世纪30年代前世界语运动最活跃的城市。在这些城市里,建立了世界语的组织,办起了世界语的刊物,创建了世界语的学校,甚至包括北京大学、上海大学、中山大学在内的数十所大学还开设了世界语课程。一批苏联、东欧的文学作品,也通过世界语介绍到中国来,中国的部分文学作品也通过世界语传播到世界各地,显示了世界语在中外文化交流方面的作用,这一点特别受到我国文化界的重视。

与进步运动相结合

1931年9月18日,日本军国主义者在沈阳制造事端,并很快占领东北。次年1月28日,又在上海发动战争,使上海世界语学会毁于炮火。日本侵略者的枪声,打破了一部分世界语者中立主义的美梦,在民族存亡的关键时刻,他们在中国共产党的感召下投入了民族救亡运动,走上了以世界语为中国的解放服务的道路。他们建立中国普罗世界语者同盟和外围组织上海世界语者协会,在国际上加入普罗世界语者国际,在国内加入中国左翼文化总同盟,致力于进步文化运动。

他们办刊物,报道中国工农红军和抗日救亡运动的消息,介绍苏联社会主义建设成就,使许多青年人走上了革命的道路。抗战爆发后,他们创办《中国在怒吼》、《远东使者》、《中国报导》等世界语刊物,揭露日本侵略者在中国的暴行,报道中国军民英勇抗战的事迹以及中国人民的苦难生活,在国际上取得了各国的同情和支持。与此同时,他们还将中国知名作家鲁迅、郭沫若、艾燕的著作和一批抗战文学作品译成世界语出版,介绍到国外去,又把一批通过世界语翻译的苏联和东欧文学作品介绍到中国来,促进了中外文化交流。此外,他们还积极提倡汉字拉化运动和大众语运动,使世界语为我国的民族解放运动和新文化运动服务方面取得了辉煌的成绩。

世界语运动的复兴

在旧中国世界语运动虽然取得了很大的进展,但由于第一、二次世界大战和连绵的国内战争,使之屡遭打击,有一段时间几乎完全停顿。人民政权的建立为世界语在我国的传播创造了从未有过的好条件。以胡愈之、叶籁士为首的一批世界语者首先在北京和上海恢复了世界语活动,在他们的倡导下,于1950年5月创办了世界语对外宣传刊物《中国报道》,次年3 月,建立了中华全国世界语协会。上海、成都、重庆、武汉也相继成立了世界语组织。中国人民大学由于校长吴玉章的提倡还开设了世界语班。1963年7月,“世界语对外宣传工作汇报展览”在北京开幕,陈毅副总理和各界知名人士参观了这个展览,一致肯定世界语在宣传新中国,促进各国人民对中国的了解方面的价值。在随后召开的全国第一次世界语工作座谈会上,陈毅副总理赞扬了世界语工作取得的成绩,表示政府今后将要更加重视世界语工作,他还倡议在北京召开一次国际世界语大会,这对全国世界语者是一个很大的鼓舞。

在陈毅副总理的关怀和支持下,高教部批准在北京举办世界语教师培训班,为11所大学培养了教师,使这些大学开设了世界语课。高教部还从全国几所大学调来一批学生学习世界语,培养了一批世界语的专职干部。1964年12月,中国对外广播开辟世界语节目,受到各国世界语者的欢迎。

值得一提的是高教部还下达文件,规定凡具备条件的学校可以开设世界语选修课,世界语可以作为第二外语科目。

在我国政府的支持下,一批大中城市,北自哈尔滨,南到广州,东自上海,西到成都,都纷纷建立了世界语组织,并定期开展活动,至此,我国世界语运动获得了全面的复兴。

改革开放促进世运大发展

同一切进步文化活动一样,世界语活动在十年“文革”动乱中也受到重创。但在七十年代末期,特别改革开放后,我国世界语运动的航船又鼓起风帆,破浪前进。

1979年秋天,在北京召开了第二次全国世界语座谈会。会议肯定了建国以来我国世界语工作取得的成绩,总结了经验教训,确定了新时期世界语工作的任务。以世界语为我国的改革开放服务,为社会主义现代化建设服务,为世界和平服务,增进世界对中国的了解,促进我国同各国人民之间的友谊,成为我国世界语者奋斗的目标。从此,我国世运进入了一个新的时期。

1981年12月,楚图南、胡愈之、巴金、谢冰心、白寿彝、叶圣陶、夏衍等知名人士发起的中国世界语之友会成立,130多位各界知名人士、人大代表、政协委员加入这个赞助世界语的组织,在社会上产生了广泛的影响。各省、市、自治区除贵州和西藏外都相继成立了世界语协会,包括大部分省的省会和主要中心城市在内的140多个城市也建立了世界语组织,全国性的科技、医学、铁路、教师、集邮、围棋等专业性的世界语组织也陆续出现。这些组织成立后,积极开展世界语的宣传、推广工作,他们或者办刊办报,举办世界语班和开展函授教学,或者举办世界语学术研讨会、世界语展览、世界语夏令周,在全国产生了不小的影响。这种形势在中国世界语运动史上是前所未有的。

对外宣传成绩卓著

巴金著作的世界语版本

《中国报道》是我国用世界语进行对外报道的图文并茂的刊物,在它存在的50年间,它用生动的形式全面介绍了中国的历史、经济建设、传统文化、文学艺术和人民生活,特别报道了自上世纪八十年代以来中国在各个领域所发生的巨大变化,受到国际世界语界的赞誉。2000年创办的《中国报道》网络版继承了印刷版的好传统,并发挥了网络的优势,全面报道了中国。《中国网》的世界语版则及时报道了在中国所发生的重大事件,它们对于各国人民更好地了解中国以及中国更好地走向世界,都发挥了其它语言不可替代的作用。
于1982年成立的中国世界语出版社用世界语出版了许多有价值的书,这对于各国世界语者全面了解中国的政治、经济、文化、科技、教育和历史,发挥了独特的作用。在它出版的近200种图书中,下列图书尤其受到读者的称赞:《中华五千年》、《中国近代史题话》、《中国小百科》、《中国四十景》、《中国医药史话》、《中国陶瓷史话》、《中国古代科学家》、《中国少数民族婚俗》、《周恩来传略》、《中国古代诗歌选译》、《中国古代短篇小说选》、《中国文学作品选集》(1919-1979)、《中国民间文学》丛书、《鲁迅小说集》、《红楼梦》、《聊斋志异》、《论语》、《家》、《寒夜》、《日出》、《雷雨》、《虎符》、《骆驼祥子》、《山村》以及部分商业、科技英世汉对照词典。

中国国际广播电台的世界语广播,在及时报道中国的时事、政治、经济建设、文化科技、人民生活方面发挥了独特的优势,就播送时间之长和覆盖面之广方面,在各国世界语广播中也名列前茅,一直受到国际世界语界的关注。

    世界语教学令世界注目

1982年,我国教育部再次下达文件,重申世界语可以作为第二外语,并规定大学毕业生、研究生报考或干部考核,世界语可以作为第二外语科目。为了落实这一文件,教育部批准中华全国世界语协会同北京外国语学院、上海外国语学院联合举办八期高等院校世界语教师进修班,为78所大学培训了132名教师,这些教师回校以后大多数开设了世界语课,约六千名大学生选修了世界语。在这些大学中,许多都是全国著名的大学,如北京大学、北京语言大学、北京外国语大学、北京邮电学院、南开大学、复旦大学、华东师范大学、上海外语大学、南京大学、暨南大学、中国科技大学、四川大学、华中师范大学、湖南师范大学、广西师范大学等。现在仍有一批大学坚持开设世界语选修课,并按教育部颁布的世界语第二外语教学大纲和规定的教材授课,按学分制计入学生的成绩档案。中国有这么多大学把世界语列为选修课受到国际世界语协会和国际世界语教师协会的称赞。

从上世纪八十年代初期到九十年代初期,世界语的函授、刊授、广播、电视教学也风行一时。比较有名的函授学校有中国世界语刊授学校;新华、重庆、淮南、黄石世界语函授学校;山西、辽宁、沈阳、吉林、安徽、广东等省以及中央电视台的世界语广播、电视讲座也受到社会各界的欢迎。世界语协会和部分大学也开办了各种形式的世界语班。据统计,参加学习的人达42万人次。虽然由于种种原因,多数人未能坚持学习世界语,但它们在传播世界语的理想和相关知识方面发挥了积极作用,同时也为各地世界语组织培训了一批人才,这些人才已成为现在从事世界语运动的骨干力量。

北京广播学院为专业世界语单位培养了几批世界语专业毕业生。2003年,最新一批世界语专业学生在国际新闻学院开始了世界语课程的学习。

日益提高的国际地位

1980年巴金在第65届国际世界语大会上致词

从1979年以来,我国加强了与国际世界语协会的联系。1980年中华全国世界语协会加入国际世协,成为它的团体会员;20多年来,我国每年都派代表出席一年一度的国际世界语大会。有时还派代表出席日本、韩国、南斯拉夫国内世界语会议和太平洋地区以及亚洲世界语大会。在大会期间,广交朋友,增进同各国世界语者的友谊。在此期间,国际世协和日本、韩国、越南、俄罗斯世界语组织的负责人也多次访问中国。数十个城市的世界语协会和组织也同各国的一些城市的世界语组织建立了经常性的联系。铁路、医学、教师、商业、集邮等专业世界语组织和青年世界语组织,也同相应的国际组织进行了广泛的交流。中国世界语运动已融入国际世界语大家庭。    1986年在北京召开的第71届国际世界语大会是欧洲以外参加人数最多,也是最成功的一届国际大会,受到与会者的称赞。1992年在青岛举行的第5届太平洋地区世界语大会和1996年在上海举行的第1届亚洲世界语大会也取得成功,证明中国世界语运动的实力。

中国世界语运动的迅速崛起,受到国际世界语界的注目,鉴于中国人口众多,中国日益强大,在国际事务中享有举足轻重的地位,国际世协非常重视中国世界语运动的发展。他们高度评价中国政府和社会各界支持世界语事业,热烈祝贺中国世界语运动所取得的成绩。1983年国际世协授予中华全国世界语协会流动奖杯——费恩杯,以表彰中国世界语运动多年来的工作成果。同时国际世协相继选举巴金、胡愈之、陈原为国际世界语协会荣誉监护委员会委员,选举李士俊、谢玉明为国际世界语学院院士。这些都反映了我国在国际世界语界的地位得到了不断提高 。

为了推动新世纪的国际世界语运动,国际世协决定2004年第89届国际世界语大会在北京举行,这一举措无疑会为我国的世界语运动注入新的活力,同时,也将积极推动包括亚洲在内的国际世界语运动的发展。

专家访谈:世界语在华一百年

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2014: “The Qing Dynasty was not a Chinese Dynasty”

When the PRC was founded in 1949, it called itself New China — as in the name of  the Xinhua press agency, the New China Press Agency.    A intriguing 2013 blog posting argued that “The Qing Dynasty was not a Chinese  Dynasty”  清元朝并非是中国朝代, noting that Sun Yatsen (Sun Zhongshan) wrote in his “Three People’s Principles”  that that China has been politically obliterated twice in its thousands of years of history.  Once time by the Yuan (Mongol)  Dynasty and the second time by the Qing  (Manchu) Dynasty.

Thinking about the continuities and discontinuities in Chinese history and the perspectives behind one or the other view is intriguing and naturally politically sensitive.  There are other.  For example was Deng’s Opening and Reform a refounding of the PRC? How much continuity is there between the first thirty years of PRC history and the decades since the end of the Cultural Revolution and the start of Opening and Reform?   Many countries think fondly of the time when they expanded to their greatest territorial extent at the expense of their neighbors. Can those historical glories of predecessor states form the basis of a territorial claim today?

I summary translated a few excerpts.

清元朝并非是中国朝代

…..  而且按照国际惯例,判断一个已去世的人的国籍,依据的是此人生前的国籍,而不是在他死后他的出生地属于哪个国家。李白出生在寓碎叶,此地在现在的吉尔吉斯坦境内。按照他们的说法李白应该是吉尔吉斯坦人了?孙中山在《民族主义》第二讲中说过:“中国几千年以来,受到政治上的压迫以至于完全亡国,已有了两次,一次是元朝,一次是清朝。”今天中国人一厢情愿地称清朝是中国王朝,可惜人家清朝统治者们根本就不认为自己是中国人。
In 2004, a professor from Ulaan Bataar University in Mongolia commented on Chinese anti-Japanese sentiment at the Asian Games.  “The Chinese take the great achievements of Mongolia and our Mongolian ancestors in conquering them as the achievements of their ancestors and national heros.  They take the time when we colonized them as the most glorious period in their history.  The Chinese are a people who do seem to have an idiotic kind of logic, what right do they have to criticize your country’s (Japan’s)  view of history? What right do they have to criticize your national heros, those so-called grade A war criminals who invaded them?
 2004 年蒙古乌兰巴托大学教授额日德雷根在访问日本时接受日本NHK电视台采访时针对当年亚洲杯足球赛上中国球迷的抗议日本活动说到:“中国人把我们国家和民族的伟大英雄,征服过他们的帖木贞当作他们的祖先和英雄,把我们对他们的殖民历史当作他们最强大的历史,这样一群拥有白痴一样逻辑的民族,又有什么资格去抗议你们国家民族的历史观呢?又有什么资格去抗议你们民族的英雄,当年侵略过他们的所谓‘甲级战犯’呢?我认为他们没有那个资格。”
Lu Xun in his “Random Notes” wrote how as a child he learned of the great heros and dynasties of Chinese history and how at 20 he heard that “our Da Qing” conquered Europe and that was the most glorious period of Chinese history.  When he turned 25, he that the “most glorious period of Chinese history” was when the Mongols invaded and made us their lackeys. Later I learned that the Mongols first conquered eastern Europe and only later conquered China.  But he conquered Russia first.  So really it should be the Russians saying “When our Genghis Khan conquered China, it was the most glorious period of our history”
鲁迅在《随便翻翻》中说过 : “幼小时候,我知道中国在‘盘古氏开辟天地’之后,有三皇五帝….. 宋朝,元朝,明朝,‘我大清’。到二十岁,又听说‘我们’的成吉思汗征服欧洲,是我们最阔气的时代。到二十五岁,才知道所谓这‘我们最阔气的时代’,其实是蒙古人征服了中国,我们做了奴才。直到今年(指1934年-引者)八月里,因为要查一点故事,翻了三部蒙古史,这才明白蒙古人的征服‘斡罗思’,侵入匈、奥,还在征服全中国之前,那时的成吉思还不是我们的汗,倒是俄人被奴的资格比我们老,应该他们说‘ 我们的成吉思汗征服中国,是我们最阔气的时代’的。 ”

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1997: Should Chinese Environmental Quality Reports No Longer Be Kept Secret?

I just ran across a translation I did twenty years ago — it is an interview in Sanlian Shenghuo Weekly with NPC Environment Committee Chair Qu Geping  曲格平 [China Vitae: http://www.chinavitae.com/biography/Qu_Geping%7C1685   ]

Interesting to meditate upon on how times have changed and not changed!
This translation is also on the Internet Archive Wayback Machine copy of the reports and translations released on the U.S. Embassy Beijing website at the time.

Should Environmental Quality Reports No Longer Be Kept Secret?

Sanlian Shenghuo Zhoukan No. 3, 1997

[Sanlian Shenghuo Zhoukan is a semiweekly newsmagazine published in Beijing. This article was written before twenty-seven cities, beginning with Nanjing, began making weekly air pollution reports during 1997. Beijing began making weekly pollution reports on February 28, 1998.] pp. 26 – 27

by Mei Bing and Cai Fang

The Pollution All Around Us

Just how much pollution from industrial pollutants and other sources do we put into our lungs and bloodstream each day just by breathing? Just how pure is the water we drink each day? How high does water quality have to be for it to suitable for drinking? What grade of water should we not drink or even not touch? What standard of air and water purity do we need to be assured that it will not injure our health? These are things that everyone should know and indeed has a right to know. But for a wide range of reasons, there still lies a vague amorphous barrier between information about the environment and the public. Take the Chinese capital of Beijing as an example: to this day Beijing Municipality has never issued an environmental quality report. Given this situation, how can people talk about public participation in and supervision of environmental protection work?

With these questions in mind, we visited several departments responsible for environmental protection.

Background: The 1989 PRC Environmental Law stipulates “The departments with administrative responsibility for environmental protection of the State Council, each province, autonomous region and municipality directly subject to the central government should periodically publish reports on the environmental situation”.

Premier Li Peng in his speech to the Fourth Environmental Protection Working Conference also stressed public participation and supervision of environmental protection work.

[The article has a photograph of the long-broken down noise pollution display in front of the Fine Arts Museum.]

How Much Should People Know About Their Environment? Official: “I haven’t thought that over yet”

We called up a Beijing Municipality environmental protection official. “Hello, I am a journalist. I have some questions about the publication of Beijing Municipality Environmental Quality notices.”

“That is not a simple question since it is linked to social stability, the public image of Beijing and to other matters such as foreign affairs.”

“But don’t you think these is a trend towards public participation in and supervision of environmental protection work?”

“Yes, I recognize that there is such a trend and I think about these matters. But it just won’t work now.”

“So how much do you think people can be allowed to know today?”

“I haven’t thought that over yet.”

Three weeks later, we visited this official. He still held the same views he had presented on the telephone.

“Let me give you an example. Beijing Municipality has three seriously polluted rivers. We call them “The Three Roundworms”. Today, after a great deal of efforts, we have solved the pollution problems of two of these rivers. But we will not be able to solve the problem of the third river anytime soon. If we were to tell the people, “This river is very seriously polluted but we can’t be able to do anything about it.”, wouldn’t that be encouraging civil disorders?”

Many Environmental Protection Officials Hold Similar Views

One leading official of the Shanghai environmental monitoring said, “Deterioration or improvement in the environment doesn’t happen over just a year or two. If we were simply to release environmental information to the public, the disadvantages would outweigh the advantages. The environmental consciousness of people today is very week. Even if we sent the environmental quality notice to every home in Shanghai, many people wouldn’t read it. But maybe the people who did read it would cause some social unrest. They might say, “The government did a bad job. Why did you give us such bad air?”

An environmental protection official from northwestern China said, “The main objective of the undeveloped areas is poverty alleviation. With our human and financial resources so weak, we need to do something. Moreover, some environmental data is kept secret out of diplomatic necessity.”

One top official involved in environmental monitoring said, “Just because we can do it doesn’t mean we should do it. We should make public environmental quality information, be we need to think about the consequences. For example, Beijing does not release its environmental quality information out of concern for its public image. Moreover, we are developing our economy and attracting foreign investment. But foreign investors are more and more concerned about the environmental quality of the region in which they are investing. If we were to release the environmental quality notice, the foreign investor would cancel investment plans. This would result in unnecessary harm to China’s economic development and especially to the economic development of the coastal provinces.”

It was not too hard to pick out a theme from these conversations. The environment is bad, so we can’t release information about it. Just like the old saying, “the ugly wife is afraid to face her mother-in-law”, this situation will be hard to change.

Why Isn’t Shenyang Afraid to Show Its Ugly Face?

We were surprised to learn that Shenyang has been issuing wintertime sulfur dioxide forecasts for eight straight years. This is because the World Health Organization in 1988 named Shenyang as one of the world’s ten most polluted cities. Shenyang was near the top of the list, right after Milan, as the world’s second most polluted city. Didn’t Shenyang, by taking the initiative to broadcast these forecasts on Shenyang television, put its ugliness on display for the whole world to see?

Shenyang’s pollution is worst in the wintertime and especially so during winter mornings. Therefore Shenyang television from December through February broadcasts a sulfur dioxide pollution forecast for each district of the city between six and seven each morning. People going to work or working out can plan to avoid or spend less time in the more severely polluted districts of the city.

Gao Jizhong, once Vice Mayor of Shenyang in charge of environmental protection and now a Vice Chairman of a Liaoning Province Peoples’ Congress Committee, said “We took that initiative with that in mind. First of all, this is an important science and technology research project. The success of this project filled a gap in China’s knowledge about how to do air pollution forecasting. Secondly, the project also helped spread knowledge about environmental protection and to make people more aware of the importance of environmental protection. Thirdly, the project brought a lot of pressure to bear on the polluters. For example, the Shenyang Smeltery [Shenyang Yelianchan] “contributes” forty percent of Shenyang’s sulfur dioxide pollution. Our broadcasts made the plant more conscious of this.”

“When Shenyang took this initiative, weren’t you concerned that the foreigners would find out, and that foreign investment in Shenyang would be affected? “

“Shenyang’s pollution is written all over the face of the city. Even if you say nothing, people will still know about it. Shenyang’s air pollution problem is the result of many historical factors. If we want foreign merchants to trust us, we need to attack the problem at its root.”

“Were you concerned at the time that when the people of Shenyang realized just how serious pollution was that they would take revenge against the government?”

Chairman Gao laughed, saying “From 1988 to the present I have never heard of such an incident. Just the opposite. When we did a survey in 1989, we found that 94 percent of the people of Shenyang favored the air pollution forecasts.”

“But what if such an event did occur?”

He laughed again. “In my experience of many, many visits from groups of citizens, there is always a reason for it. People don’t stir things up for no reason at all. The Chinese people are very reasonable. If you are really taking care of the problem or can give them a clear explanation, they will be reasonable.”

We asked Shenyang City Environmental Protection Bureau chief Liu Tiesheng “Did the Shenyang air pollution forecasts have any connection with promoting public participation in an supervision of environmental work?”

Liu answered, “Today, informing the public about the true state of the environment is very important. For example, many people today are not concerned about the environment. Only if “a feeling of urgency” about something arises does the public feel the need to get involved in environmental matters. But we mustn’t go overboard and scare people.”

(We understand that Shenyang City is not satisfied with just reporting only the sulfur dioxide index. Shenyang has already started to reported forecasting air pollution using a multiple indicator air pollution index.)

When we were doing interviews in Shenyang, we found that Shenyang is the place with the fewest air pollution “taboos”. Now we understand why, of the seven Chinese cities studying air pollution forecasting, Shenyang is the only one that is getting the information out to the people in order to serve the people.

Visiting NPC Environment and Resources Committee Chairman Qu Geping “It is not a matter if we may or may not but of necessity”

We visited National People’s Congress Environment and Resources Committee Chairman Qu Geping to discuss what we had learned in our interviews.

Journalist: “Many people agree that China should through newspapers, television and other mass media make periodic reports to the Chinese people about the serious pollution problems facing China. What is your view about this?”

Qu Geping: “Let me make one thing clear at the outset. The State Environmental Reporting System required by law. It’s the law. It is a great step forward in building a mechanism by which the Chinese people can participate in and supervise the environmental protection of China.”

“State environmental reports must distinguish between more important and less important matters. Everything can’t be reported. With that in mind, I support more detailed, wider ranging reports and reports that are more easily accessible to the general public that introduce China’s environmental situation. For example, television has a greater impact and moves people more than other media. We could consider using television advertising to constantly publicize the environmental situation. Environmental conditions are different in each city. Especially in the more seriously polluted cities, pollution information must become part of the information people use in their daily lives. If each city or district broadcast environmental information about its own specific areas, the people would certainly become interested in environmental issues. So that the people don’t just read about but also understand the environmental situation, I suggest that we learn from the experience of some Western countries. When an environmental situation report is released, a version of the report more easily understandable by the average person should be released so that knowledge of environmental protection will spread widely.

“Today many people are worried that foreigners knowing about China’s environmental problems will affect China’s foreign relations. Although I can’t deny that there is some environmental information that is not suitable for publication, but that is a relatively small part of the information about China’s environment. These is no contradiction between releasing information on environmental quality while still protecting certain environmental information. I believe that saying that publishing environmental quality information can affect foreign investment is just the same as saying that we gain the trust of foreign business people by hiding the truth. Doing that would just be a kind of trickery. Acting in this way would harm China’s reputation and do great damage to the country. Some people say that if the people find out about the environmental situation they’ll either have not reaction at all or start a “rebellion”. This is lacking trust in the people. This is a people’s government. We should never forget that in our work. We must trust in the people and rely on the people. Giving the relatively poor characteristics and inadequate education of the Chinese people, the publication of environmental quality information is a good way to get people to take the initiative and involve themselves in environmental protection.”

“These are really just excuses. The real reason behind them is that the quality of the environment is all messed up and that some officials don’t want to tell the Chinese people that this is so.”

Journalist: “So do you think that if the environmental quality is poor, then it should not be reported?”

Qu Geping: “No, of course not. That would be a stupid policy. These people are just frightening themselves. In actual fact, the release of environmental quality reports helps environmental protection work.”

“Some countries use environmental problems to attack China. But in fact, China has made much praiseworthy progress in environmental protection over the past few years. China is a developing country. As such it has no special responsibility to take on more arduous environmental protection responsibilities. But China decided to turn away from the old road of developing first and cleaning up later. As a result China has already racked up some impressive results. For example, the “Three Barrier Forest Belts” project which has been recognized by foreign environmental protection experts as an “unbelievable” accomplishment. We can hold our heads high in the international arena. The more you try to hide things, the more people will think that you have something to be ashamed of. ”

“Chinese environmental protection work has had its accomplishments but also has its problems. The most important thing is how we handle those problems. Treating the Chinese people like “opponents in a guerrilla war” is no way to build trust in the government. If there are achievements, we want to tell people about them; but if there are difficulties we need to explain to the people about them. Environmental protection is the job of all society. It is not something the environmental protection authorities can do on their own. Every single victory in environmental protection in China has come about because of the broad support of the Chinese people. I’ll put it this way: the degree of popular participation in environmental protection work is an important indicator of the success or failure of environmental protection in that country.”

“Therefore the participation in and supervision of the public is necessary for the development of environmental protection in China. This is not of a matter of we might or we might not. It is a necessity. Letting the Chinese people know about the seriousness of China’s environmental situation is the first step.”

Journalist: “Then who is going to take this first step?”

Qu Geping: “This is something we all have to push forward.”

Clearly, the main obstacles to letting the Chinese people know about the environmental situation in China are the ideas of some of the leading officials of the departments responsible for environmental protection as well as local government leaders. In China an environmental enlightenment movement is needed to spread environmental consciousness amongst the Chinese people.

With the spreading and deepening of environmental consciousness, the time has already arrived for openly and honestly reporting the environmental situation to the Chinese people and for allowing people from all parts of society to supervise and participate in environmental protection. Only in this way can environmental protection become everybody’s business. Only in this way can the great potential of environmental protection work be released.

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2014: A Chinese View on Chinese Cyber Security Challenges

A Chinese government view of China’s cyber security challenges in 2013.  Below is a summary translation of the April 2014 report  “2013 Report on Trends in China Internet Network Security — A Perspective from the Chinese National Computer Emergency Readiness Team”   《2013 年我国互联网网络安全态势综述
——CNCERT 观点》  from China’s cyber security focal point the Chinese National Computer Emergency Readiness Team.(CNCERT)

Foreign reporting on China often focuses on cyber threats coming from Chinese hackers and state actors.  This report  takes a different perspective, reflecting Chinese concerns about their own vulnerabilities to cyber attacks.

The report outlines the type of threats facing Chinese networks and concludes with recommendations on measures China could take to improve its Internet security.   Much of the threat information they have is apparently from Internet companies and CERTS in other countries.  They also mention that many of their original threat reports come in from Chinese hackers.  Their websites lists a thank you bar graph with hacker handles on it reflecting the number of threat reports  received from various hackers.  

 CNCERT’s National Vulnerability database also puts out monthly and weekly reports as well as bulletins about emerging problems.

The Chinese National Vulnerability Database (CNVD) is at http://www.cnvd.org.cn/      distributes the latest reports of computer viruses and other cyber threats received from Chinese companies, hackers and other partners.

Here is a screen capture of the top page of the Chinese National Vulnerability Database as it appeared on September 15, 2017.  Other pages within the database provide statistical analyses of cyber threats, research reports and weekly reports and monthly reports of cyber incidents.

China National Vulnerability Database

The summary translations concludes with these policy suggestions:

Policy Suggestions

 Accelerate the formulation of web security strategy, corresponding policies along with web protection capabilities

Given PRISMGATE and state-level advanced persistent threat actor incidents,  we suggest that China rapidly formulate a state-level network information security strategy.  The strategy should set forth strategic goals, overall guiding principles and specific guidance directed against specific types of security threats in order to provide overall strategic guidance.   Corresponding laws and regulations should clearly define tasks and responsibilities.  We suggest that attention be given to the design of the top level of the design to improve network security.  Attention should be paid to ensuring that work continues to assure cooperation across ministries as well as across industries and regions.   The network security resources of all departments should be organized so that each according to its defined responsibilities works together.  This will assure the coordinated mobilization of resources to protect China from attacks by state-level actors.

 Increase Investment in Network Security Work,  Make People More Aware of Network Security

We suggest that industries, companies and government departments increase their investment in network equipment and technology development,   strengthen their security management, and improve their capacity to respond to network security threats so as to reduce the extent to which network threats increase as technology advances.   Every unit should improve security awareness, establish system to improve security, and to regularly examine procedures and technologies for potential security threats and security vulnerabilities.

 Strengthen network security technology and methods and improve the capacity to track down the source of attacks

Network security technologies and methods should be strengthened to counter the threats of phishing websites, Trojans, mobile web malware, APT attacks, and other kinds of new threats.   Building capacity to identify sources of attacks, its target, and intentions, to gather data indicators, and restore to normal the system attacked, and to determine the ultimate origin of the attack will deter attacks to some extent.

 Increase the Chinese Domestic Content of Core Equipment,  Swiftly Establish a Complete Information Security Inspection and Verification System

We suggest strengthening the research, development, and promotion of key equipment and core technologies.  The domestic content of the internet equipment and software of key industries and of important information systems should be increased.  China needs to increase its self-sufficiency in hardware, software and service.  For a relatively long time, Chinese government departments have been unable to avoid using mainstream foreign network equipment and internet service.  We suggest strengthening security inspections and state monitoring capacity on systems connected to the Internet.  This will increase capacity to detect system vulnerabilities and to repair security vulnerabilities in a timely manner in order to ensure that Internet-connected systems are operating securely. 

 China should quickly establish an information security examination and verification system, define the range of  information production that are to be inspected and the nature of the inspection.  For each information product involved, according to its origin and its reliability, the capacity to monitor the product and the security characteristics of the product are to be examined.   The scope of applications for each product should be defined.  According to an established plan, information security testing locations could be established in order to improve China’s information and network security.

 Strengthen Capacity to Remove Malware, Maintain a Secure Mobile Operating Environment

We suggest that the government departments responsible strengthen their monitoring of the internet, require the companies involved to fulfill their responsibilities, strengthen security management of companies that sell mobile applications or provide value-added telecommunications services.   We also suggest that the communications industry, the internet industry,  hardware and software manufacturer and marketers strengthen industry associations and their sharing of information in order to monitoring of online malware,  make remedial measures more effective and to actively cooperate with government departments.

 Strengthen Net Security Educational Work and Improve the Ability of Net Users to Protect Themselves

We suggest that the government, industry, and the internet security companies work together with civic organizations to help net users increase their security awareness and security skills.   Through educational programming in mass media and on web sites, net users should be reminded to take better care of their data, to be careful in conducting transactions online, and to quickly repair security vulnerabilities. 


 China Internet Security Overview 2013 A CNCERT Perspective” — A Summary Translation

Chinese Communist Party Secretary Xi Jinping said “Without network security, there can be no national security”. Cyberspace has become the fifth strategic space after land, sea, air and space. The nations of the world are now stressing network security. During 2013, Snowden’s PrismGate revelations hit with the world with the impact of a big bomb. It ignited unprecedented concerns in international society and the public about network security.

In China, with the implementation of the “Broadband China” strategy, the internet has sped up and the number of user has climbed rapidly. The steady stream of new kinds of new mobile internet applications shows no sign of abating. 4G networks are beginning to be commercialized. More Virtual Network Operators are provided services through telecommunications networks. Internet connectivity and improved information processing capabilities improves the capabilities of traditional companies and making information consumption a new growth point in the Chinese economy.

This overview examines and analyzes the internet security situation and security threats in China during 2013.

The Internet Security Situation in China in 2013

During 2013, good progress was made in improving the security of China’s internet infrastructure. Many problems remain. There many information system security risks, particularly in the domain name systems that are part of internet infrastructure. Threats such as security vulnerabilities and DDOS attacks threatened the security weak points of the Internet.

During 2013, under the guidance of the PRC Ministry of Industry and Information Technology (MIIT), an overall evaluation and risk analysis of 3000 Chinese companies involved in internet infrastructure was undertaken. Ninety-seven percent passed — the same proportion as in 2012. The evaluation helped the companies place greater emphasis on preventing potential threats and protecting customer information.

Security Risks Remain in Internet Infrastructure Information Systems

During 2013, China’s National Security Vulnerability Database [CNVD ; web address cnvd.org.cn) 国家信息安全泄露共享平台 ] reported to telecommunications infrastructure companies 518 security vulnerability risk incidents, more than double the number reported in 2012. Security vulnerabilities reported by risk type were:

  • Commonly used hardware and software 42.1%,
  • Information security vulnerabilities 15.3%,
  • Bypassing authorization 12.7%,
  • SQL injection 12.0% and
  • Weak passwords 11.2%.

These security risk incidents affected 449 information systems. Of these, 54.6% of these were information systems of provincial-level subsidiaries of telecommunications companies. Another 37.2% of these systems belong to commercial groups. Although internet companies responded well to the reports, the access layers of the internet equipment of some companies were attacked. China is still fairly weak in its ability to defend against attacks organized by state-level actors.

The domain name system remains a security weak point affecting the stability of China’s internet.

Due to security vulnerabilities in the domain name server management system, attackers can arbitrarily change the domain name server record. On several occasions during 2013, the domain names of government websites and of internet service providers were stolen resulting in serious consequences. Moreover, denial of service attacks against name server systems are getting worse. On August 25, 2013, hackers in order to attack a website with a URL ending in .cn, launched a large-scale denial of service attack on the top level .cn domain name server. As a result, many government websites and important website such as the Sina microblog websites could not be reached or were very slow.

In August 2013, the service organization Aimin which has a registered Chinese domain name (22.cn) was attacked for a week. The peak attack data flow was several tens of Gbit/s. Several tens of thousands of domain names were affected. According to CNCERT, there were 58 relatively large DDOS attacks against Chinese domains.

A focus of CNCERT’s work during 2013 was reducing the flow of traffic from spoof IP addresses. CNCERT succeeded in reducing that flow to under 1%. Much data was coming in from spoofed IP address in other countries which made controlling them more difficult. Using DNS reflector technology, some hackers can greatly intensify DDOS attacks by a factor of 100 such as happened during the 2013 attack on Spamhaus, the international anti-spam mail organization, which hit a peak speed of 300 Gbit/s.

During 2013, CNCERT eliminated Trojans from 34,000 servers, and 720,000 hosts that were brought under control. 1455 relatively large zombie networks were eliminated. Hacker control of over 375,000 hosts was ended. As a result, the number of infected hosts fell, although the proportion of remotely controlled Trojans increased by 4.4%. These remotely controlled Trojans extracted important documents and sensitive information.

In March 2013 the international anti-spam mail organization Spamhaus suffered the largest DDOS attack ever. The DDOS attack peaked at 300 Gbit/s. Attackers used domain name server reflector techniques to increase the scale of the attack by a factor of 100.

With the great increase in the number of services provided over the Internet, there has been a corresponding increase in security problems affecting many users.

Frequent Security Problems in the Internet Service Company Traffic Carried on the Internet Infrastructure

Over the Top (OTT) services such as Zhengxin have often had reliability problems. On July 22, 2014, a failure caused loss of service to 60 million users. A check found that overloading and inattention to

security was the cause of the problem. A failure on a single circuit affected services to users on many different telecommunications networks.

During 2013, the website names of internet company websites were stolen in some parts of China. Sometimes traffic was diverted a webpage with advertisements. Some broadband connection providers on their local routers diverted traffic intended for certain websites, harming the business of some companies and the internets of internet users. CNCERT investigated these cases and worked together with the appropriate authorities to resolve them.

Number of Trojan Infected Internet Hosts in China Declines for First Time in Five Years

According to CNCERT monitoring, during 2013 11.35 million zombie internet hosts were infected by Trojans and 160,000 servers were controlled. These numbers are down 22.5% and 44.1% compared with 2012. This first decline in five years is the result of continuing work by China to eliminate Trojans and zombies and daily security work.

CNCERT working together with internet infrastructure companies 34,000 Trojan infections on servers and ended and carried out eight projects to eliminate malware. CNCERT eliminated 1455 relatively large zombie networks and cut off hacker control of 3.75 million infected computers.

CNVD analysis determined that there are backdoors on many commercial routers, including routers from D-LINK, Cisco, Linksys, Netgear, Tenda, etc. CNVD reports that using these backdoor hackers can steal information, do DNS theft etc. As of January 2014, some companies had still not fixed the problem or issued an upgrade.

Loss of Personal Information Online Undermines Credit Systems

With the proliferation of cloud computing, mobile internet service, and social media, protecting personal information is becoming harder. Much of this information is leaking onto the Internet where it is sometimes bought and sold.

In October 2013, CNCERT worked together with USCERT to prevent further information leaks after the Chakaifang website problem as revealed which exposed to collection data on 20 million travelers.

A security vulnerability in the Apache Struts 2 software was revealed in July 2013 when information was stolen using remote control of servers. Online merchants, insurance companies and government websites were affected.

Attacks on the Android mobile operating system up sharply

CNCERT noticed during 2013 a tripling of malware attacks on mobile phones using the Android operating system, amounting to 99.5% of all malware attacks on mobile phones that year. Malware attacks against all mobile operating systems reached 703,000 – over triple the 2012 total. Seventy percent of the malware aimed to create unauthorized charges.

During 2013, the number of phishing website increased by one-third. CNCERT found within China mainland 30,199 phishing pages directed against Chinese banks etc.

Mobile phone online financial transactions increased greatly during 2013, bringing with them increased targeting by hackers. In December 2013, the online payment site Zhifubao customer terminal had a security flaw that allowed anyone to set a new password after five failed login attempts.

Chinese government websites are often attacked to change a page. Ninety percent of the government websites belonged to local governments which typically have less skilled IT staff and so less security. During 2013, attacks on all websites jumped 46.7% to 24,034 while attacks on government websites rose 34.9% to 2430. CNCERT reported 1600 information leaks from Chinese government websites.

CNCERT organized eight anti-malware campaigns during 2013 in accordance with the Ministry of Industry and Information Industry “Mechanism for monitoring and Resolving Mobile Internet Malware Problems” . In 2013, the China Anti-Web Virus Association (ANVA) created the “Mobile Internet Application Voluntary Whitelist” mechanism, organizing companies and merchants to make a group of secure white-listed applications.

Cellphone Malware Proliferation Channels Diversify

CNCERT found that during 2013, cellphone malware was often downloaded from many different kinds of websites including commercial websites, blogs, and cloud drives. Over 12 million different IP addresses downloaded malware to mobile phones. Over 300 companies sell mobile phone apps. Many of these companies have inadequate security – one of them, the Anfeng Market, had several thousand apps that were infected by Trojans and then downloaded by mobile phone users over 2 million times.

Foreign hacker organizations attacks on Chinese government websites included attacks from “Anonymous”, “Algeria Hackers” etc. The “Anti-Communist Hackers” were very active, attacking government offices, universities and companies. The “Anti-Communist Hackers” during 2013 attacked over 120 Chinese government websites in Mainland China. Monitoring has revealed that these attackers take advantage of security vulnerability and then install a backdoor. It attacks a social media website about once every three days on average. Moreover, the “Anonymous” and the “Algeria Hackers” etc. defaced 187 Chinese government websites.

Some hackers attack Chinese government websites to take revenge against new government policies. On December 19, 2013, after the People’s Bank of China stated that it did not recognize Bit Coins and requested that companies in Mainland China that engage in third party financial transactions stop providing platforms for charging and payment in Bit Coins, the official government website of the People’s Bank of China and its official microblog were attacked by hackers. The attack made it difficult to use the site and resulted in many problem reports.

State-sponsored organized hacking attacks have increased and are a serious threat to key state infrastructure and essential information systems. According to surveys by CNCERT [China’s Computer Emergency Readiness Team] China faces serious threats and challenges coming from outside Mainland

China in the form of back door attacks on websites, phishing attacks, Trojan horse attacks, and zombie network attacks.

Since June 2013, when Snowden revealed the “Prism Plan” revelations showed how U.S. intelligence agencies have been spying on many countries and foreign citizens by eavesdropping and by infiltrating computer networks. The revelations showed how the U.S. has heavily invested in information collection through the Internet, and attacks on telecommunications networks, corporate servers and other invasive methods. Targets included senior state officials, diplomatic systems, media networks, large corporations and international organizations. China is an important monitoring and attack target. Both national security and the privacy of internet users are under serious threat.

During 2013, many advanced persistent threats (APT) were revealed. APTs became a new kind of weapon in confrontations between nations. On March 20, 2013, during a U.S. – Republic of Korea military exercise, many broadcasters, banks and other financial institutions in the ROK suffered a cyber-attack on an unprecedented scale. CNCERT contacted KrCERT, its ROK counterpart, and assisted in the investigation and in clearing up any misunderstanding that an attack was coming from China. Mcafee and Kaspersky revealed the existence of powerful hidden threats capable of persisting for years such as “Troy Action”, “Red October”, and “IceFog”. These APT attacks have robbed important information from government and scientific institution websites. In 2013, CNCERT monitoring determined that 15,000 hosts within the China mainland are controlled by APT Trojans. This is a serious threat to key Chinese infrastructure and key information systems.

China Remains Threatened by Many Attacks from Outside the China Mainland

During 2013, 31,000 foreign hosts established remote control over 61,000 hosts within the China Mainland through backdoors. Compared with 2012, the number of controlling foreign hosts dropped 4% but the number of controlled hosts in the China Mainland rose by 62.1%. The U.S. had the most controlling hosts with a total of 6215 which controlled 15,349 websites in Mainland China or about 2.5 websites for each controlling host. This is 78.6% higher than in 2012. Next comes China’s Hong Kong SAR which controls 13,116 websites within China, up 179.5% compared with 2012. In third place is the ROK, which controls 7502 websites, down 11.1% compared with 2012.

Of Phishing websites directed at the Chinese Internet, 90.2% are located outside the China Mainland. A total of 3823 foreign IP addresses serve imitating pages of 29,666 China mainland websites, up 54.3% and 27.8% respectively compared with 2012.

The 10.9 million Trojan-infected zombie websites in China Mainland are controlled by 29,000 foreign hosts. Of these, 41.1% (4.485 million hosts) are controlled by 8807 controlling servers in the US. The breakdown of controlling servers by country has the U.S. holding on to first place, increasing its share from 17.6% in 2012 to 30.2% in 2013. The ROK and China’s Hong Kong SAR hold second and third place with shares of 7.8% and 7.7%. Counting by the number of servers controlled within the China Mainland, the U.S. is still in first place, followed by Portugal and the ROK, which have3.988 million and 839,000 hosts respectively.

CNCERT constantly works to improve its cooperation with CERTS in other countries. As of end 2013, CNCERT had established ties with 127 organizations in 59 countries and regions. During 2013, CNCERT cooperated with foreign organizations in resolving 5498 network security issues within Mainland China. This was a 35.5% increase compared with 2012.

Focal Points for 2014

The increasing “intelligent” functionality being incorporated into industrial control systems, medical machinery, and home and office equipment will make security issues more serious on the Internet of Things. Security issues in rapidly developing technologies and failure to consider internet security issues means that security vulnerabilities will appear in new types of intelligent equipment. Hackers will take advantage of them to launch web attacks. During 2013 at Black Hat hacker conferences, ten types of attack and monitoring technologies aimed at the intelligent control systems of electric power networks, intelligent houses, cars and other system were demonstrated. At the same time, “refrigerator zombie network”-like attacks were occurring – malicious attacks taking advantage of intelligent functions being built into home appliances. This shows that there has already been a breakthrough in attack technology using web-connected intelligent equipment. The Android operating system has spread quickly from mobile devices to the Internet of Things. During 2014 security weaknesses will be a continuing issue as the Internet of Things develops.

Social media websites are becoming a key route for hacker attacks and net crime.

Social engineering is an important method for carrying out network attacks. Social media, which is becoming a more important part of our social networks, has become a hotbed of social engineering attacks. Personal data dug up on social networks can be stored and used to precisely target objects of social engineering. Profit-driven malware attacks on social media that could go so far as issuing order to social media site servers or create a new kind of zombie server. This will create new opportunities for criminal activities.

Advanced Persistent Threat Attacks will become

As cyberspace attack countermeasures steadily improve, advanced persistent threats (APT) with their characteristic high targeting accuracy, will become the main weapon of both hackers and inter-state cyber confrontations. APT combining various technologies will become an integrated monitoring and attack system. In addition to traditional malware, and techniques for exploiting hardware and software security vulnerabilities, there will appear new methods and new technologies. In December 2013, the NSA revelations showed how the US NSA created dozens of spy tools. These included backdoors built into motherboards, hard disk controllers, SIM cards and other hardware to implement a physical intrusion. Inserting the backdoor in hardware ensured the persistence of the intrusion despite any change in the operating system, software upgrade or installed software scanning system. Another method was using wireless technology to overcome the physical separation of traditional LAN networks to enable remote attacks. These methods broaden and deepen the APT threat and make them increasingly hard to detect.

Mobile Payment Security and Security Vulnerabilities in Mobile Terminals will be a new challenge to mobile web development

In 2014, the continuing development of 4G networks, faster mobile network and hot spots and the ever-wider use of better smartphones will make payments by mobile phone more common in transactions with merchants, banks and other financial institutions. Hackers will develop APPs and malware to attack the hardware and operating systems of smart phones. More security vulnerabilities will be discovered and attacks against mobile networks and smartphones will grow.

The Scale of Distributed Denial of Service (DDOS) Attacks will continue to Grow

In 2014, hackers will turn to new methods since the traditional DDOS method of using many zombies on a broadband connection will no longer be effective. Hackers will use the Network Time Protocol (NTP) and the Character Generator Protocol (CHARGEN) in Network Time Protocol Distributed Reflective Denial of Service” attacks which will enable them to easily increase attack volumes by a factor of ten to one hundred times. This attack will exhaust limited server, router and bandwidth resources and make it harder to determine the IP address at the source of the attack. Attackers will also find new technologies to create the greatest amount of net traffic for the least amount of effort. They will be looking for technologies that will enable them “to borrow the knife used in the killing”.

Microsoft Ending Windows XP OS Service will lead to an increase in the number of zero day exploits

On April 8, 2014 Microsoft will end Windows XP operating system technical support and updates. It will no longer provide security patches, updates or anti-virus software updates. After that date it will no longer be responsible for operating system viruses or security vulnerabilities. Windows XP has a large market share in China with about 200 million users. Once security updates end, this operating system will face a serious security threat. Hackers may become even more assiduous in digging up zero day exploits to use against the XP OS.

New Security Threats for Traditional text message verification and the new two-dimensional scanning method

Today when making an online purchase or making a payment online, you will often use a verification code sent in a text message. In 2014, smartphone Trojans that steal the payment verification code message and steal your account information will become common. Hackers use smart phone Trojans to catch the verification code number and then go on to use your web payment account and password, resulting in a large financial loss for the user.

Policy Suggestions

Accelerate the formulation of web security strategy, corresponding policies along with web protection capabilities

Given PRISMGATE and state-level advanced persistent threat actor incidents, we suggest that China rapidly formulate a state-level network information security strategy. The strategy should set forth strategic goals, overall guiding principles and specific guidance directed against specific types of security threats in order to provide overall strategic guidance. Corresponding laws and regulations should clearly define tasks and responsibilities. We suggest that attention be given to the design of the top level of the design to improve network security. Attention should be paid to ensuring that work continues to assure cooperation across ministries as well as across industries and regions. The network security resources of all departments should be organized so that each according to its defined responsibilities works together. This will assure the coordinated mobilization of resources to protect China from attacks by state-level actors.

Increase Investment in Network Security Work, Make People More Aware of Network Security

We suggest that industries, companies and government departments increase their investment in network equipment and technology development, strengthen their security management, and improve their capacity to respond to network security threats so as to reduce the extent to which network threats increase as technology advances. Every unit should improve security awareness, establish system to improve security, and to regularly examine procedures and technologies for potential security threats and vulnerabilities.

Strengthen network security technology and methods and improve the capacity to track down the source of attacks

Network security technologies and methods should be strengthened to counter the threats of phishing websites, Trojans, mobile web malware, APT attacks, and other kinds of new threats. Building capacity to identify sources of attacks, its target, and intentions, to gather data indicators, and restore to normal the system attacked, and to determine the ultimate origin of the attack will deter attacks to some extent.

Increase the Chinese Domestic Content of Core Equipment, Swiftly Establish a Complete Information Security Inspection and Verification System

We suggest strengthening the research, development, and promotion of key equipment and core technologies. The domestic content of the internet equipment and software of key industries and of important information systems should be increased. China needs to increase its self-sufficiency in hardware, software and service. For a relatively long time, Chinese government departments have been unable to avoid using mainstream foreign network equipment and internet service. We suggest strengthening security inspections and state monitoring capacity on systems connected to the Internet. This will increase capacity to detect system vulnerabilities and to repair security vulnerabilities in a timely manner in order to ensure that Internet-connected systems are operating securely. China should

quickly establish an information security examination and verification system, define the range of information production that are to be inspected and the nature of the inspection. For each information product involved, according to its origin and its reliability, the capacity to monitor the product and the security characteristics of the product are to be examined. The scope of applications for each product should be defined. According to an established plan, information security testing locations could be established in order to improve China’s information and network security.

Strengthen Capacity to Remove Malware, Maintain a Secure Mobile Operating Environment

We suggest that the government departments responsible strengthen their monitoring of the internet, require the companies involved to fulfill their responsibilities, strengthen security management of companies that sell mobile applications or provide value-added telecommunications services. We also suggest that the communications industry, the internet industry, hardware and software manufacturer and marketers strengthen industry associations and their sharing of information in order to monitoring of online malware, make remedial measures more effective and to actively cooperate with government departments.

Strengthen Net Security Educational Work and Improve the Ability of Net Users to Protect Themselves

We suggest that the government, industry, and the internet security companies work together with civic organizations to help net users increase their security awareness and security skills. Through educational programming in mass media and on web sites, net users should be reminded to take better care of their data, to be careful in conducting transactions online, and to quickly repair security vulnerabilities.

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Sichuan Food and Hunan Food

Ran Yunfei in his 2009 book  Wu Yu: A Life in the Republican Era 1911 – 1949  吴虞和他生活的民国时代   examined the many diaries of Prof. Wu Yu of Sichuan University (known in the May 4th era as a critic of Confucius), mining them for a thematic examination of life in Chengdu during the Republican period.
Part of the first section (pp. 20 – 30) discusses food and restaurants in Chengdu.  Ran fills in some background, saying that the original Sichuan culinary style was largely lost after much of the population was killed in the slaughters surrounding the uprising and suppression of the peasant leader Zhang Xianzhong  张献忠  of the late Ming and early Qing.  (Some argument about whether crazed peasant revolutionary or the repression by the reactionary cliques was largely responsible for the slaughter, it seems) [ Wiki https://zh.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E5%BC%A0%E7%8C%AE%E5%BF%A0 ]   See the scan of pp. 20 – 21.
Large scale immigration of Hakka and other people from Guangdong and Hunan regions planted sweet potato and hot pepper etc. to Sichuan that were arriving from the New World with foreign trade. These newcomers together with competition among restaurants as outsiders came to rapidly growing cities largely produced Sichuan food.  He said that while some of the Sichuan food came from family recipes, if it were not for the competition among restaurants in the cities it could not have developed so quickly in only a 150 years or so.
It does make me wonder about the concept of history.  If the people are all killed, does history continue?  Or is it just the history of a place, and the people are secondary.  It makes me wonder about the differences that apparently grew up between Hunan and Sichuan food.  I remember learning about food origins at dinner in Kaifeng one evening having some “Peking Roast Duck”.   My host grumbled “This is really Kaifeng Roast Duck.  The Beijingers stole the dish from Kaifeng in the late 19th century and then called it Peking Roast Duck!”
I only made one weeklong trip to Changsha and then to visit Mao’s and Liu Shaoqi’s homes.  I don’t know enough to compare cuisines.  One good thing about living in China is that they have lots of good Chinese restaurants!  I miss the spicy food and friendly restaurants of Chengdu.
Some of the sources quoted in the Chinese language Wiki article on the slaughter in Chengdu and Sichuan:

计六奇明季南略》记载:“献忠遂屠重庆,砍手三十余万人,流血有声。”  “Zhang Xianzhong continued the slaughter in Chongqing, where he killed over 300,000 people. So much blood that you could hear it flowing by!”

客滇述》:“献忠既陷成都,尽伐梨树,做宫室驰道,练兵于此。贼兵之樵采者,尽入城中,拆毁房屋以为薪。又发兵四出,搜各州县山野,不论男女老幼,逢人便杀;如是半载。八月,献忠毁成都城,焚蜀王宫殿,并焚未尽之民房。凡石柱亭栏,皆毁之;大不能毁者,更聚薪烧裂之。成都有大城小城,本张仪所筑,汉昭烈帝修之。甃以大石,贯以铁絙,壮丽甲天下。宫殿之盛,亦不减京师。至是,尽为瓦砾矣。献忠又令其大家遍收川兵杀之,及其妻子男异性,惟十时以下者仅留一、二。 ”

外国传教士吉洛东圣教入川记》:“残杀之后,成都为之一空。除少数官员外,别无居民。荒凉惨象,不忍瞩目。献忠剿灭成都后,命令各乡镇村民移居成都。”  “After the slaughter, Chengdu was totally empty.  Except for a few officials, there were no residents left.  The scene was so horrible, one couldn’t bear to look at it.  After that Zhang Xiangzhong viper’s nest was cleared out, it was ordered that the various townships and villages send some people to live in Chengdu”

在张献忠死后出现了清军跟南明军对峙的局面,清军的势力于川北保宁一带,而南明军队占据着四川境内大部分州县[13]。根据《蜀龟鉴》的记载,经过张献忠军队的屠杀,川南的人口损失约50%,而川北的人口几乎损失殆尽。尽管川南和川北都遭到了张献忠的军队的屠杀,可是到了张献忠死后,南明与清朝对峙的时期,南明控制的川南,人口明显多于清朝控制的川北。川北遭受的破坏,比川南严重得多。因此,综上所述,清朝军队以十三年的时间才平定四川,并不是表示清朝一直在屠杀四川人[14][15]

此外,明末清初四川人口的锐减,是多股势力混战的最终恶果,张献忠并不是唯一的屠川元凶[16]。至于张献忠屠杀六万万人有奇一说,有文献显示事实上是四川当地的地主以及南明将领污蔑和嫁祸张献忠[17],另外古代计量单位“万万”虽然等于“亿”,但“万万”和“亿”在下数系统中表示的却是“十万”(参看中文数字)。

 

The food in Hunan and Sichuan didn’t get spicy though until the late Ming and early Qing dynasty (17th century) when chili peppers arrived from the New World.

历史[编辑]

古典川菜的出现可追溯至,在宋代已经形成流派,当时的影响范围主要是中原[1]

初,辣椒美洲欧洲引入中国,川菜也开始用上辣椒调味,遂潮形成以麻辣味为主的料理方式,现代意义上的川菜开始成形。1646年,肃亲王张献忠后,大批汉人西徙四川,创制出四川独有的迩调技艺。[2]乾隆年间,四川罗江文人李调元在其《函海·醒园录》中系统地搜集了川菜的38种烹调方法

晚清以来,川菜逐步形成地方风味极其浓郁的菜系,由筵席菜、大众便餐菜、家常菜、三蒸九扣菜、风味小吃等5类菜肴组成完整的风味体系。其风味则是清、、浓并重,并以麻辣著称。对长江上游和等地均有相当的影响。

特点[编辑]

川菜以成都重庆两地的菜肴为代表。所用的调味品有花椒胡椒辣椒,合称“三椒”;,合称“三香”;以及郫县豆瓣酱永川豆豉等亦使用频繁,以调味为重点的有“鱼香”、“怪味”等菜。川菜的风格朴实而又清新,官家川菜精细别致,农家川菜具浓厚的乡土气息。

 

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