Just saw this posted today. A recounting of Party/Peking University staff/police abuse of students in the Peking University Marxist Society that was closed down late last year. A November 2018 Hong Kong Free Press report “Too Marxist for China? Radical students rattle Communist leaders” discussed the Chinese student Marxists.
The tone changed from a description to a diagnosis of the problem:
“The organized machinery of state doesn’t care at all whether it speak truth or lies. It doesn’t care at all about the harm that it does to our classmates. Even more, it doesn’t care whether its behavior violates the law or not. The logic of social stability coming before all else, what counts is whether a policy is executed forcefully or not. What counts most on this one hundredth anniversary of the May Fourth Movement is whether or not there still exist some disharmonious voices.”
Then a quote from Lu Xun’s preface to that famed Chinese twentieth century essayist’s (pre-1949 social critic much beloved by the Party — lucky for him he didn’t live to see the PRC or his pen would have got him into trouble fast with Chairman Mao!) preface to his book Weeds 野草 usually translated (more polite than me I guess) as Wild Grass.
” I love my weeds, but I hate weeds all over the ground is made out to be a decoration. The fire runs underground, rushing forward; once the lava erupts, it will burn all the weeds and all the trees so that there will be no decay.”
[ Parenthetically, talk of weeds brings to mind the famous words of that old philosopher, Chairman Mao Zedong! Mao in his “On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People” had quite a bit to say about weeds, some of whom were stinking intellectuals:
“Literally the two slogans — let a hundred flowers blossom and let a hundred schools of thought contend — have no class character; the proletariat can turn them to account, and so can the bourgeoisie or others. Different classes, strata and social groups each have their own views on what are fragrant flowers and what are poisonous weeds. Then, from the point of view of the masses, what should be the criteria today for distinguishing fragrant flowers from poisonous weeds? In their political activities, how should our people judge whether a person’s words and deeds are right or wrong?” ]
The article ends with a question and an answer. What kind of young people does today’s China need? The answer:
When they see decay, they must arise. What does it matter if along the way some dust flies around? Crisis is all around. Malicious flying bullets and the spewing of dark currents will not stop them because in their hearts are always new things.
The Chinese Communist Party has been bracing for a difficult year.
1984 Peking University Style—How Much Do You Know About It?
The morning of April 29, 2019.
Beijing’s Yizhuang Industrial Zone, Beijing.
Five young people disappeared there.
At 8:17 They sent their last message. Within half an hour, everyone’s phone was turned off.
They were five students who had belonged to the Peking University Marxist Association. They were taking advantage of the May First Labor Day holiday to spent the holiday working in a factory. At 8 AM the night shift had just ended.
What had happened to them up to that point?
Five plainclothesmen had been following Qiu Zhanxuan
They had sent a message the night before and said that the plainclothes policemen followed them from Peking University to Yizhuang, followed them into the factory, followed them up the manager’s office, and informed the factory supervisors in the factory that the students should be “watched closely”.
Plainclothesman, being followed, disappeared. Just the way it has happened before.
At the same time, contact as lost with one of their schoolmates, Shen Yuxuan of the Peking University Medical Department.
Screenshot from Shen Yuxuan’s WeChat account
“They pulled me out of the toilet”
“Tearing up stuff”
What
Restriction of personal freedom
Pulled out of the toilet?
Who pulled you out?
The night before, as usual, she and another classmate studied in the fourth classroom of Biochemistry Building.
At about 10:30, a few familiar faces appeared at the door of the classroom. They shutter of their camera clicked a few times as they took pictures of Shen. Then six or seven “teachers” from the Beijing University Medical School Security Office, security guards and two policemen pushed open the door and entered the room.
They told the other students to leave and went straight up to where Shen was sitting and said, “Are you going to get up? Will you walk or do we have to take you away?” They had no reason for telling the students to leave, so two students refused to leave.
Suddenly, a classmate was grabbed by the neck, pulled out of their seat, and with two arms twisted behind his back pushed as police forced him into a police car. He was punched and kicked. “Do you want some help?” he was asked as a policeman poured mineral water on him.
Then came the policeman’s usual technique: grab by the neck, cover the mouth, arms tied behind their back, and escort them to the security office. Using both carrot and stick methods, they beat, insulted, ridiculed this student until two o’clock the following morning.
Meanwhile, Shen Yuxuan sent this message to his to his WeChat group at 11:30:
Shen Yuxuan WeChat screenshot
“Being interviewed by police, they have to accompany me to the toilet”
“I threw up.”
I really couldn’t and didn’t want to imagine that scene. That evening I could only wait and worry.
At 2:20 in the morning, Shen Yuxuan classmates regained her freedom. It was said that this sudden assault was connected to the matter of the five students working in Yizhuang.
“If you dare to go out the school gate, you will be picked up right away!” This is the warning Shen Yuxuan got. And her mother, who had been called by the police from her hometown in Shaanxi Province, was told to watch her all night in her dormitory.
Even after all that had happened, everybody sighed and that thought that will be the end of it.
I never expected the same thing to happen again the next morning. Shen Yuxuan’s phone went from no answer to being turned off. No more was heard from her.
I was still anxious.
At three o’clock that afternoon, the students finally called her mother’s phone. She said, “I am with Shen Yuxuan somewhere in Beijing. I can’t tell you where” she said cryptically.
Shen’s mother said, “Yuxuan is fine.” The next thing we heard was Yuxuan yelling, “No, I am not fine. I am under house arrest!”
The classmates listening were shocked. Before they could say anything, the connection was cut off.
We tried to call again, but the telephone was turned off. We have had no news of her since then.
This was Peking University on April 29.
Make no mistake about it. This is not the plot of some 1920s novel. This is only one of the undercurrents that continues to surge through the Peking University campus, only to finally erupt at sensitive times like these.
The colors of Peking University today are black and white. Black and white are starker than color. There is more magical realism here today than in any movie.
While their classmates live a normal student life of going to class, studying and taking examinations, some other students are living a completely different life. In their life, some of their parents are nearly collapsed from mental exhaustion; other students face frequent interviews and even sexual harassment; some police remove all your clothes to search you; and threaten them with expulsion or handcuffs to make them confess.
Since since the demonstration of December 28 protesting the re-organization of the Peking University Marxist Society, their voices have not been head on the Peking University campus. Sometimes one might hear news about them online such as “Zhang Zhenzhen was forced to leave school” but there has been no real news. As far as I know, the “news blackout” on them did not mean that these students are no longer interested in the rights of people who work at their school. No, what is going on is not they have decided to end using the “weapon of criticism” but a fact that is hard for anyone to accept. They have been subject to pressure and restrictions on their personal freedom that go far beyond what anyone could have imagined.
On January 23, classmate A, after over 40 hours of exhausting police station detention and fatigue trial, was sent home and his cell phone, computer and ID card confiscated. HIs home internet connection was cut. His parents’ phone was monitored and he had to report whenever he left the house. This classmate was completely cutoff from the outside world. All this was done to lay the groundwork for the the next stage of high pressure and intense “ideological and political education”.
The police told her “If you don’t admit to your errors, you will be forced to leave school.” We can say that is was because “It can be because you are an unwed mother or because you are an unsociable, dark-hearted individual who hates society. Your choice!” Not until the second week of school was classmate A released from house arrest and allowed to return to school. Classmate A had already missed the two weeks for choosing compulsory courses. Another classmate B missed a make-up test. Perhaps it is just as a certain deputy party secretary in the sociology department says, “Cooperating with the work of the school is your first task, not academic work.”
After returning to school, the secretary of the Youth League Committee kindly student A: “Don’t get in touch with your old Marxist Society classmates. Don’t eat with them. They may try to drug you. Once you take it, you’ll be brainwashed.” This same secretary on the evening of April 3, persistently kept interrogating student A about the lives of the other female members of the former Marxist Society. He said that the reason that he had not gone to her dormitory to get her at the time of the December 28th demonstration was that he “was afraid that some of them are just too pretty and he wouldn’t be able to control himself.”
Those kinds of insults and slander are small stuff. There was more. There is also a classmate C. When the police and school counselor went together to her home, and told her parents that if she did not admit to her mistakes, she would be expelled and detained, her mother was so frightened that she broke down and knelt before student C and banged her head against the wall. Classmate C, heartbroken, could only tell her mother over and over that she had not done anything wrong.
In late February, once the new semester had begun, I thought that it was all over. But the classmates found, once school started again that what had come before was just an appetizer.
Two or three days after class started, a police officer appeared who claimed to have been entrusted by the school’s party committee to have a talk with classmate D. He was blunt. “If you are part of the ruling class you have to be able to deceive the masses”; “The capital needed to maintain social stability without deceiving the masses is too high.” Those words were shocking enough. However, the things that the police and school worker did over the next few days are too numerous to record:
Some students were held at the Yanyuan police station for up to eight hours. Several police took turns beating them in turn until their noses were bleeding.
Some students were asked to read in a loud voice the regulations on subversion and incitement to subversion in the criminal law. The police said, “This is your crime!”
After a few hours of constant interrogation, some students, with two people behind them pressing the pen into their hand, were asked to write a letters giving up their right to an education and assuming all legal responsibility and told that they could go if they signed.
Some students were stripped naked and made to lean over in order to check that “there is no recording device inside”;
The police threatened some students with “Whether you can go to school is a matter for the school to decide. We get to decide whether you can go to school.” Also, “Do not think that you can get the kind of job that your parents have.”
Some students were dragged out of class by three people from the political management building to Sciences Building No. 5 during the class. Sometimes the dragging process itself dragged on for a full hour;
……
Do you want to go to class? Do you want to go back to your dormitory to rest? Do you want to stay in school? Do you want to be released? We can do that. But first of all, you have to give up your human dignity, cooperate with our work, admit to your mistakes, and not take an interest in “things that are none of your business” then you can “get back on the right track”. If you wont, then I’m sorry, we can humiliate you, we can restrict your personal freedom, violate your privacy, insult your ideals and abuse you physically. Naturally, to use the words of the police, that is just fine. Once you leave the school gate, “we are sure that you don’t want to feel that you are in a detention center.”
Perhaps you think that this is a dead end. The police and school workers think that they have achieved a master stroke in ideological warfare. After all, in a physical assault is not the best tactic; psychological warfare should be your first resort. [Note: from classic novel The Romance of the Three Kingdoms “Use your forces to attack their minds as your first resort; a physical assault is inferior. Psychological warfare should be primary, using military force should be secondary. 用兵攻心为上，攻城为下；心战为上，兵战为下 inspired by Sun Zi, Art of War (Therefore the best method is trickery, the second best is making a deal, the third best is fighting their soldiers in the field and the worst of all is an assault on a fortress. 故上兵伐谋，其次伐交，其次伐兵，其下攻城) ]
Three classmates from the School of Physical Sciences often got letters from the party secretary of their school’s party committee. Sometimes the letters were written to all three, sometimes the letters were written to them individually and sometimes to the entire school (you may have gotten it too). The letters cover topics such as historical, theoretical issues and sometimes issues in everyday life. The shorter letters were just four or five hundred characters, the longer ones could be two or three thousand characters long. All the letters came back to a single central point “the state is good and society is fine”. Now might the party secretary sending these letters to all the students in the school be an abuse of his authority as secretary of the party committee?
At an undergraduate party branch democratic life meeting, classmate E as attacked from all sides for belonging to “a two-faced faction”. All party members on his “democracy evaluation” form marked “fail”. All sixteen of them. Classmate E was speechless at this highly organized attack. Thinking about it, he could only draw one conclusion — he had spent too much time talking with the school’s workers. Doing that was not consistent with his status as a candidate for Communist Party membership. That afternoon at 1 PM two police officers appeared and prevented him from going back to his dormitory. They had had a talk with him all night. Classmate E tried twice to escape. The first time he was pined against the wall. The second time they grabbed him by the neck and forced him down on the floor. At 2 PM, some students came to see classmate E. They had heard his shouts coming from the the side of the main entrance to the department building. The undergraduate party branch secretary guarded the door and called the police in an attempt to force the students to drive the students away. They only left a little after 3 PM at the urgent request of classmate E. The Party strictly implemented this locale for handling party organizational matters. It became too a stage for the arbitrary actions of some leaders who carried out this kind of criticism and self-criticism!
There are many similar examples, but what is more suffocating is the daily tracking, monitoring, photographing, and harassment. Some students are warned that they are not allowed to use their mobile phones during class, telling them they should be studying hard (why don’t they say that when they have meetings with people for being late to class?) Several classmates after studying on their own for a few days in the self-study area next to the fifth floor elevator of building three, were shocked to discover that the monitoring camera that had been pointing at the elevator had been turned 180 degrees to point directly at them. Some other classmates found that the camera at the intersection in front of the express delivery service would gradually swivel to watch them as they walked by. If they walked back and forth, the camera followed them (advanced facial recognition is used here). Even if you get up early for running practice to get ready for the May Fourth Marathon and then to to the farm to have breakfast, there are plainclothesmen taking pictures to send to your parents as evidence that “those people are still having their gatherings”.
Two months later, the dark undercurrents finally, defying all common sense and expectation, erupted from the ground.
On April 29th, the nodes from which those dark undercurrents emerged were significant.
Two days later, would come for all workers throughout China will be their very own holiday, even though for most of them will have no alternative to spending it working overtime.
Five days later would come for young people across China, and in particular the teachers and students of Peking University, their very own holiday. The various news outlets, however, would devote it to speeches at big meetings and “Political-Ideological Face to Face” interviews.
What do these holidays mean?
Labor Day celebrate the glory of labor. On this date in history, the world’s workers united to fight for their own labor rights;
Youth Day celebrates the awakening of youth. The New Youth sought Democracy and Science. Hand-in-hand with the masses, they braved the hardships of reform;
Amidst these fine festivals, there is no place for young people who sought part-time work. They used to carry aloft the banner of “Marxism” at their school.
This black humor, full of irony as it is, tells us something.
The organized machinery of state doesn’t care at all whether it speak truth or lies. It doesn’t care at all about the harm that it does to our classmates. Even more, it doesn’t care whether its behavior violates the law or not. The logic of social stability coming before all else, what counts is whether a policy is executed forcefully or not. What counts most on this one hundredth anniversary of the May Fourth Movement is whether or not there still exist some disharmonious voices.
A former Peking University classmate who has already made Peking University’s internal blacklist (there certainly is a blacklist. Over thirty names are on it) is merely one of the victims of this logic. He is not the only victim.
Don’t you see, the atmosphere on this campus has already become much worse than it was even one year ago. These days, the loudest voice in the cafeteria is the rumble of the broadcast of the “Ideology and Politics Face-to-Face” interviews.
No need to ask anymore what is the kind of time we live in. The answer I want to give is what kind of youth this era needs:
“I love my weeds, but I hate weeds all over the ground is made out to be a decoration. The fire runs underground, rushing forward; once the lava erupts, it will burn all the weeds and all the trees so that there will be no decay.”
When they see decay, they must arise. What does it matter if along the way some dust flies around? Crisis is all around. Malicious flying bullets and the spewing of dark currents will not stop them because in their hearts are always new things.
https://telegra.ph/pkxsb1984-05-01
北大现实版1984，你知道多少？
May 01, 2019
2019年4月29日早上，北京市亦庄工业区。
五个年轻人在这里消失。
8:17他们发出了最后一条消息，但是随后的半小时，所有人的电话就已全部关机。
他们是原北大马会的五名学生，趁着劳动节的假期在工厂“打工过节”。早上八点是刚下夜班的时间。
在此之前他们遭遇了什么？
他们曾在前一天的晚上发出消息说，这几名便衣警察一路尾随他们从北大到了亦庄，跟进了工厂、跟进了经理办公室，还通知了厂里的监工要“严加监视”。
便衣，跟踪，失联。似曾相识。
与此同时，北大医学部。沈雨轩同学也突然失联了。
前一晚，像往常一样，她和另一名同学在生化楼第四教室自习。
十点半左右，几张熟悉的面孔出现在教室门口，对着沈同学“咔咔”地拍了几张照。紧接着，六七名北医保卫处“老师”、保安和两名警察推门而入。
把其他同学打发走以后，他们径直来到沈同学的座位旁：“你们走不走？是你自己走还是我来请你走？”
这个要求毫无来由，两名同学不愿理会。
突然，一名同学被卡住脖子，从座位上拽起来，扭住双臂拖进了警车，被一顿拳打脚踢。想要呼救？一瓶矿泉水被警察迎面浇下。
接着就是警察惯用的手法：卡脖捂嘴、反剪双臂，押到了保卫处。在会议室里，他们对这名同学软硬兼施，殴打，辱骂，讽刺，直到凌晨两点。
另一边，沈雨轩同学在十一点半发出消息：
我实在无法、也不愿想象这个场景。当晚唯有焦心地守候。
凌晨两点二十分，雨轩同学重获自由。据说，他们的遇袭和彼时正在亦庄打工的五名同学有关。
“如果敢出校门，直接被带走！”这是雨轩遭到的警告。而她的母亲，已经被警察从陕西老家叫了过来，被要求必须在宿舍楼里看守她一整夜。
就算历经波折，所有人都还是长吁了一口气，都以为这就是结束。
却没想到同样的梦魇在第二天早晨再次重演。雨轩同学的电话从无人接听打到关机，她再度失联了。
着急，还是着急。
下午三点，同学们终于打通了她母亲的电话：“我和雨轩在北京的某个地方，不能告诉你”，这是一种遮遮掩掩的语气。
沈母说“雨轩很好”，结果电话里立刻传出了雨轩的叫喊：“我不好，我被软禁了！”
话筒边的同学大吃一惊，还没开口发问，电话就被挂断了！
再打，又是关机。她至今杳无音信。
这是4月29日的北京大学。
无需错愕，这不是1984的小说情节。只不过是一股在北大校园内持续涌动着的暗流，终于在这个敏感的节点喷发了而已。
如今的北大，黑色比彩色更鲜艳，现实比电影更魔幻。
当同学们都过着正常的按时上课、复习、考试的学生生活时，有同学却同时过着另一种完全不同的生活：在那种生活里，有家长近乎崩溃的神经衰弱，有学工频繁的约谈甚至性骚扰，有警察脱光你的衣服搜身，用退学和玫瑰金手镯威胁同学屈服认错。
自从去年1228抗议马会改组后，他们的声音就在校园里销声匿迹了，偶尔能从网上看到“展振振被退学”这样的只言片语，但一直没有确实的消息。就我所了解的，这种“被消失“并不代表这些同学不再关注校工权益，已经放下了批判的武器，而只能指向上面这些令任何人都难以接受的事实：他们受到了超乎想象的压力与限制。
1月23日，A同学在经历了四十多小时的派出所关押与疲劳审讯后，被遣送回家，手机电脑身份证被没收，家里网络被切断，父母电话被监听，出门要报告。总之，隔绝了这名同学与外界的一切联系，而这不过是为接下来更高强度更高密度的“思想政治教育”做铺垫。
警察对她说，你不认错就把你退学和拘留，警察们还说“你们要么单亲家庭，要么性格孤僻，心理阴暗，仇视社会”。直到开学后的第二周，A同学才被解除了软禁，准许回来上学，而A同学已经错过了两门必修课的选课时间，另一名同学B也因此错过补考！或许正如社会学系某党委副书记所说：“相比于学业，配合学校工作就是你们的第一要务。“
返校后，院团委书记善意地提醒A同学：“不要和原马会同学接触，不要和他们一起吃饭，他们可能给你下一种药，你吃了以后就被洗脑了。”同样是这名书记，在四月三日的晚上不停向A同学打听原马会几名女同学的个人生活情况，并说自己之所以没有像1228时说的那样去宿舍找她，是因为“怕某些人太漂亮，自己控制不住”。
这种中伤和骚扰不过是小儿科。还有一名同学C，寒假时警察和辅导员一并来到她家里，对家长说如果孩子不认错就开除拘留，导致她妈妈被吓崩溃跪地求C同学，还拿头撞门。C同学心如刀割，只能不断安慰母亲，告诉她自己没有做错事。
2月下旬，新学期开始了，本以为事情到此算是告一段落，但开学后同学们才发现，寒假发生的不过是开胃菜。
刚开学两三天，一名警察就自称受学校委托和家里委托过来找D同学约谈，言语之间毫不掩饰：”你做了统治阶级你也要愚民”，”不愚民维稳成本太高”。如果这样的言语已经赤裸的令人震惊，在接下来几天时间里，警察和学工们的做法只能说罄竹难书：
有同学在燕园派出所被限制人身自由多达8小时，多个警察车轮战训话，扇耳光，甚至打出鼻血；
有同学被要求大声朗读刑法中关于颠覆和煽动颠覆的条例，警察说“这就是你的罪名！”
有同学在几个小时不断讯问后，被两个人从背后按着，笔硬塞到手上，被要求写一个保证书：自愿放弃一切受教育的权利，自愿承担一切法律责任，说签完就可以走了；
有同学被全身脱光，上身趴在桌上撅着屁股，要检查“那里面有没有录音笔“；
有同学被警察威胁“你能不能上学是学校的事，让不让你上学是我们的事”，还说“你爸妈的工作也别想干了”；
有同学在上课期间被三个人从政管楼暴力拖拽到理科五号楼约谈，拖拽的过程长达一小时；
……
想听课？想回宿舍休息？想继续上学？想要自由？可以。但首先，你要放弃做人的尊严，要配合工作，要认错，要不关心“自己不该关心的事”，要回到“正常的轨道上”去。如果不行，那对不起，尊严可以被践踏，自由可以被限制，隐私可以被侵犯，理想可以被侮辱，肉体可以被亵渎。当然，用警察们的话说，这都算好的，一旦踏出校门，“相信你不会喜欢看守所那种感觉的”。
或许是觉得此路不通，警察和学工们又想出了思想战的高招，毕竟攻城为下，攻心为上。物理学院的三名同学经常能收到来自院党委书记的邮件，有时一起写给三个人，有时分别写，有时直接群发全院（你可能也收到过），内容从历史理论问题到个人生活问题，短则四五百字，长则两三千字，还有更长的，却紧紧扣住一个核心“国家好，社会好”。当然，群发全院同学邮件这样的操作，算不算党委书记滥用自己的公权力呢？
一次本科生党支部民主生活会，E同学遭到围攻，被骂“两面派“，他的“民主测评“表上所有党员都投了不合格 ，那可是16个人啊……这高度组织化的针对让E同学无言以对，想来想去，结论只能是一个－－跟学校的工友们聊得太多了，不符合自己的预备党员身份。当晚一点多开完会两名警察进来阻止E同学回宿舍，要连夜约谈。E同学两次试图逃出去，一次被按在墙上，一次被卡脖子按倒在地。两点多有同学过来看E同学，隔着系楼大门都听到里面的呼喊声，而本科生党支部书记守在门口，报警试图把那个同学赶走。一直到三点多在E同学的强烈要求下，才得以离开。党进行严肃的组织生活的场所，也成了某些领导为所欲为的舞台，进行的就是这样的批评与自我批评！
这样的例子还有很多，但更令人窒息的是日常生活中的跟踪，监控，拍照，骚扰，有同学被警告上课不允许玩手机，要好好学习（耽误上课去约谈时怎么不说呢）；有同学在三教五楼电梯口自习区自习了几天后，惊讶地发现原本对准电梯的监控调转了180度正对着自己；还有的同学发现，快递点前面十字路口的摄像头，随着自己走路的转弯缓缓转动，如果自己在下面来回晃，摄像头也会跟着摆动（真是先进的人脸识别啊，用在了这里）；即使早上去五四跑步锻炼，去农园吃早饭，也有便衣警察拍照发给家长，作为“这些人仍然在聚集”的证据……
两个月过去了，暗流终于喷涌出地面，出人意料，又在情理之中。
4月29日，暗流喷涌的节点意味深长。
两天后，全国工人将迎来属于他们的节日，尽管他们当中大多数人，只能在加班中度过。
五天后，全国的青年，尤其是北京大学的师生，将迎来属于他们的节日，当然是在各个新闻平台滚动播放的庆祝大会讲话和《思政面对面》中度过。
节日的意义何在？
劳动节歌颂劳动光荣。历史上的今天，世界工人团结了起来，为自己争取劳动权益；
青年节歌颂青年的觉醒。追求民主科学的新青年，携手工人群众，共赴革新的风雨；
就在这么伟大光明的节日里，积极参与打工劳动的青年却不被允许存在，他们还曾在校内扛着“马克思主义”的旗帜。
这充满讽刺的黑色幽默，似乎能够给予我们某种启示。
组织起来的国家机器不在乎自己言语的真假，不在乎会对同学本身造成什么样的伤害，甚至不在乎自己的行为有没有违法，稳定高于一切的逻辑下，被关注的是政策执行是否有力，尤其是五四运动一百周年之际，还有没有不和谐的声音。
而已经上了北大内部黑名单（确实存在这样一份名单，上面有三十多名同学）的原北大马会同学，只是这种逻辑的牺牲品而已，但这不是唯一的牺牲品。
君不见，如今校园内的空气已经比一年前肃杀了太多，只有在食堂里滚动播放的“思政面对面”恍若时代最强音。
不必要再追问这是一个怎样的时代，我想回答的是，这个时代需要怎样的青年：
“我自爱我的野草，但我憎恶这以野草作装饰的地面。地火在地下运行，奔突；熔岩一旦喷出，将烧尽一切野草，以及乔木，于是并且无可朽腐。”
他们看到腐朽，便要奋起，哪怕途中尘土飞扬、危机四伏，恶意的流弹和喷涌的暗流也消灭不了他们，因为他们的心中，永远满怀着新的东西。
高大伟 David Cowhig's Translation Blog 
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