2008: Daoism and Post Cold War Chinese Diplomacy

How much do culture and traditions influence policy?  Is culture simply the water in which we (the fish) swim without being much aware of the water (culture).  Do we recognize historical circumstances as new variations on an old theme?  When Americans see a rising power and consider our military readiness are we worrying about a new “Pearl Harbor” attack? What are the relative weights of ‘realist’ thinking about foreign policy, our own culture and traditions, and considerations about the uniqueness of new historical circumstances?  As words, language usages and culture evolve, how is our understanding of parallels with the past changing as we apply them rightly or wrongly?

 Yin Shuping, a Chinese writer friend I knew in Chengdu, told me that “every Chinese dynasty has its own Confucius. As a new dynasty and usurper of the old dynasty, they hate Confucius as the upholder of traditional authority.  A generation or two later they come to like and promote Confucius since they now see themselves as the established authority. Each dynasty has its own version of Confucius which they re-interpret to support their own views and policies.”  We can see this process at work in the PRC which during its first thirty Maoist years despised Confucius as the avatar of the old society which they contrasted to the Party-led dawn of New China.  Now the Chinese Communist Party makes use of Confucius, even named its cultural institutes abroad “Confucius Institutes”. 

Daoism continues to be appreciated by Chinese leaders including Communist Party General Secretary Xi Jinping. He sent his chief political advisor Wang Huining to convey his greetings to the 5th International Daoism Forum:

NANJING, Sept. 24 (Xinhua) — The 5th International Daoism Forum on Sunday opened at the Maoshan Mountain in east China’s Jiangsu Province. The event also saw the inauguration of the World Federation of Daoism.

China’s top political advisor Wang Huning sent a congratulatory letter to the forum and extended his greetings to the guests at the event, which was jointly hosted by the Taoist Association of China and the China Religious Culture Communication Association.

In his letter, Wang, a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China (CPC) Central Committee and chairman of the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, said that the theme of the forum, “Revering the Dao and Upholding Virtue, Moving Forward with the World,” demonstrates the joint aspiration of sharing the achievements of human civilizations and building a better homeland for humanity.

Wang noted that the inauguration of the World Federation of Daoism represents the shared aspiration of the international Daoist society. The federation serves as a new platform for exploring the values of Daoist culture at the present times and is bound to promote the mutual exchange and learning among human civilizations, he said.

The Chinese government will continue to support in-depth and friendly communications between Chinese and overseas Daoist communities to make contributions in promoting enduring world peace and shared prosperity, Wang said.

During the forum, the inaugural meeting of the World Federation of Daoism was held. Initiated by the Taoist Association of China, the federation currently consists of 52 founding members from 20 countries and regions.

Shi Taifeng, a member of the Political Bureau of the CPC Central Committee and head of the United Front Work Department of the CPC Central Committee, attended and addressed the opening of the forum and the inaugural meeting of the World Federation of Daoism.

Xinhua in English, September 25, 2023 “5th International Daoism Forum opens in east China’s Jiangsu”

Thank you to China scholar Clemens Stubbe Østergaard for telling me about the Xinhua report. Perhaps, given the very many books by Xi Jinping on Xi Jinping Thought (aka Deng Xiaoping Theory for the New Era) we can appreciate that Secretary Xi’s Thought, like the Dao is hard to express in words and so perhaps the Xi Thought that can be written about is not the true/eternal/perfected Xi Thought. It is all a work in progress, efforts characterize a multitudinous every-changing reality: 習可習非常習 — ‘’The Xi Thought that can be studied is not the true/eternal/perfected crystallization of Xi Thought.

Mao Zedong himself was a great fan of the Mirror of History Zizhi Tongjian and of “use the past to serve the present” (see also Google Translate of 2013 China New Service article “Towards A deep understanding of Mao Zedong’s idea of “using the past for the present and the foreign for Chinese purposes” [ 深刻认识毛泽东“古为今用,洋为中用”思想] )

People generally learn new things by setting out from what they know and are familiar with already (getting back to fish swimming in the sea of culture) from the most sophisticated of people to the extreme case of the child who drew the Flight from Egypt with the Christ child and family in an airplane piloted by Pontius Pilot (of course!). 

I would think of Uncle Joe Stalin as a stronger contemporary influence. Sort of in a spirit analogous to Paul Robeson’s translation of the Soviet national anthem on YouTube at  https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pO6q_mFjEUg

PRC focus is on defending the Communist Party and China against foreign enemies real and imagined. Xi Jinping often brings up his favorite Soviet novel, Nikolai Ostrovsky’s  How the Steel was Tempered.  Now that the Soviet party has fallen, the Chinese one must dodge that fate. I wonder that the Chinese Party is in a defensive crouch — as travel and communications become easier and hard to block, lots more effort needs to be invested in propaganda work and creating a cordon sanitaire between China and sources of ideological pollution — not only non-conformists within the PRC but also Chinese communities overseas speaking the same language are a threat and so a focus of United Front Work Department efforts overseas.  That I suspect is why the PRC often appears so thin-skinned — it is concerned about ideological security, a key part of its national security concept.

The ancient stuff is a resource for the creation of contemporary mythologies and rewriting of history to make it more serviceable, to serve the present.  “Make the past serve the present and the foreign serve China”  古为今用,洋为中用”   New China has for many years now been working on repackaging itself as the current incarnation of 5000 year old eternal China (other dynasties (as usurpers) rejected Confucius only to reclaim him once they have become the (new) establishment.  

Views on the question of the evolution of ideas and tradition on contemporary thinking are emphasized more or less in different eras. There was a tendency towards the history of ideas and intellectual history that seemed especially strong during the 1960s. Other influences, include economic ones such as Braudel and the Annales School of historians and how changes in technology affect social context and vice versa seen for example in the pages of the journals Isis and Technology and Culture. 

Clifford Geertz’s “Ideology as a Cultural System” has been helpful as I meditate on my confusion about these matters. 

Below I have translated Wang Fuchun 王福春’s 2008 article “Daoist Thought and Post Cold War Chinese Diplomacy”  from on the Aisixiang website which focuses on Laozi’s Dao De Jing (often referred to by its title in Wade-Giles romanization widely used in the West until recently Tao Te Ching.   In my translation I have generally followed the late 19th century James Legge translation found on ctext.org (see also convenient text parallel with Chinese text also on Dao De Jing on Wikibooks.   In a few places I have modernized the translation or altered it for clarity, sometimes preferring another translation inspired by a translation into modern Chinese that I found online. I have formatted the Dao De Jing quotes as poetry rather than as prose.


Daoist Thought and Post Cold War Chinese Diplomacy

道家思想和冷战后的中国外交

Wang Fuchun 王福春

Author bio via aisixiang website: Wang Fuchun, Ph.D. in Law from Peking University in 1992. former Associate Professor at the School of International Relations at Peking University, teaching courses on diplomacy, foreign affairs management, contemporary Western political trends, Chinese diplomacy, and security strategies. Also serves as a researcher at the Deng Xiaoping Theory Research Center at Peking University. Currently serves as Deputy Director of the Guangzhou Municipal Foreign Affairs Office. Works include “South Asia Under the Nuclear Cloud,” “Greater Europe: Glory and Dream,” “Mixed Reputation: Khrushchev,” among others.


In Western academic studies of China’s foreign relations, scholars often like to use the so-called “Middle-Kingdom Complex” to explain China’s foreign policy behavior. These scholars believe that the “Middle-Kingdom Complex” reflects a cultural illusion based on Confucian thought and concretizes in the tribute system practiced during the Qing Dynasty. Under this system, China saw itself as the center of the world, with the virtuous “Son of Heaven” ruling from this center. This system reinforced China’s cultural superiority and led Chinese people to view all foreigners as barbarians. Even after the Communist Party came to power, there was still a need for a certain hierarchical system. One fundamental characteristic displayed by all modern Chinese leaders is their deeply rooted belief in the relevance of Chinese cultural values and lifestyle and their emphasis on the motivating role of this relevance in guiding people worldwide.

While such explanations by Western scholars can find many examples in Chinese history, they still have fatal flaws. 

  1. China is a civilization with a history of over 5,000 years, and it established a centralized feudal state long before, more than 2,000 years ago. Some Western scholars only consider the tribute system prevalent during the Qing Dynasty (1644-1840), and perhaps the Ming Dynasty (1368-1644), as the basic model for explaining China’s diplomatic history, which is overly simplistic. Moreover, the Qing Dynasty was not strictly a Han Chinese regime but a feudal dynasty dominated by the Manchu ethnic group.
  2.  China’s cultural tradition is not monolithic but diverse. The “Middle-Kingdom Complex” only focuses on Confucian tradition and influence while ignoring the impact of other cultural traditions such as Daoism and Buddhism.

Daoism is one of the sources of China’s core cultural values, and its profound and ancient philosophy has had a significant influence on various aspects of Chinese society, including contemporary Chinese society. While Confucianism often held dominance in Chinese history, Daoism, Buddhism, and Confucianism were often referred to as the “Three Teachings.” After the Song Dynasty, there was a trend toward convergence among these three, particularly between Daoism and Buddhism, making it difficult at times to distinguish their teachings. Daoism’s philosophy is rich and includes thoughts relevant to diplomacy, which cannot be overlooked in understanding Chinese society and diplomacy.

  1. The Basic Framework of Daoist Diplomatic Thought

What does Daoist diplomatic thought encompass? Few have attempted to summarize it. I would like to explore it primarily based on Laozi’s “Dao Te Ching.“[道德經 in pinyin romanization Dao De Jing]  I believe that Laozi’s diplomatic thought in the main encompasses the following aspects:

1.  The Way of the King

Diplomacy was an important consideration for ancient Chinese sages, essentially being the art of governing and bringing harmony to the world. Different schools of thought, including Confucianism, Daoism, Mohism, Legalism, and others, had their own theories. These theories can generally be categorized into two groups: The Way of the King and the Way of Hegemony. 

  • Confucianism, Daoism, and Mohism belong to the Way of the King, advocating ruling with virtue and achieving a universal harmony. 
  • Legalism, Realpolitik, and the Art of War belong to the Way of Hegemony, emphasizing power and stratagems to establish a centralized feudal state. 

Daoism is one of the main representatives of the Way of the King, with its founder Laozi emphasizing the Way, benevolent governance, ruling with virtue, and achieving universal harmony. 

In the Dao Te Ching,  Laozi places the greatest importance on the Way, followed by virtue. The text mentions the Way 76 times and virtue 44 times. What is the Way? Laozi sometimes refers to it as the origin of the universe, as when he states,

At other times, it refers to the objective laws governing the operation of all things in nature, as when Laozi writes that the Way contains the elements of yin and yang, 

“The Dao produced One; 

One produced Two; 

Two produced Three; 

Three produced All things.” (Chapter 42). 

Contradiction, opposition, and unity are the laws of all things in the world, and these laws are omnipresent and eternal,

 “All things leave behind them the Obscurity (out of which they have come), and go forward to embrace the Brightness (into which they have emerged),” (Chapter 42). 

“The movement of the Dao By contraries proceeds; 

And weakness marks the course Of Dao’s mighty deeds.” (Chapter 40) 

 “Reaching everywhere and in no danger (of being exhausted)!” (Chapter 25) 

At times, the Way refers to ethical principles, such as when Laozi in the  suggests,

May not the Way (or Dao) of Heaven be compared to the (method of) bending a bow?

The (part of the bow) which was high is brought low,

and what was low is raised up.

(So Heaven) diminishes where there is superabundance,

and supplements where there is deficiency.

It is the Way of Heaven

to diminish superabundance, and to supplement deficiency.

It is not so with the way of man.

He takes away from those who have not enough to add to his own superabundance.

Who can take his own superabundance and therewith serve all under heaven?

Only he who is in possession of the Dao!”” (Chapter 81). 

What is virtue? Laozi states, “The existence of the Dao in the world is like streams in the valley that flow into rivers and oceans” (Chapter 32). 

The Dao Te Ching is a text that emphasizes the importance of both the Way and virtue. Virtue is the manifestation of the original and natural virtue bestowed by the Way upon things. Laozi says, 

It produces them and does not claim them as its own; 

It does all, and yet does not boast of it; 

It presides over all  yet does not control them. 

This is what is called ‘The mysterious Quality’ (of the Dao). (Chapter 10). 

Profound virtue Xuande, in essence, represents the original and natural virtue, which is the inherent nature that the Dao bestows upon things. Laozi said, “

(The operation (of the Dao) in nourishing things)

All things are produced by the Dao,

and nourished by its outflowing operation.

They receive their forms according to the nature of each,

and are completed according to the circumstances of their condition. Therefore all things without exception honor the Dao, and exalt its outflowing operation.” (Chapter 51). 

When this natural virtue is reflected in us humans, it becomes our character and moral conduct. In terms of the essence of virtue, it is “harmony.” Laozi said,

 “He who has in himself abundantly the attributes (of the Dao)

is like an infant.

Poisonous insects will not sting him;

fierce beasts will not seize him;

birds of prey will not strike him.

(The infant’s) bones are weak and its sinews soft, but yet its grasp is firm.

It knows not yet the union of male and female, and yet its virile member may be excited;

Showing the perfection of its physical essence.” (Chapter 55). 

“He will temper his brightness,

and bring himself into agreement with the obscurity (of others).

This is called ‘the Mysterious Agreement.” (Chapter 56)

Laozi also points out that the reason for the great chaos in the world is the loss of the Dao and virtue. 

“When the Great Dao (Way or Method) ceased to be observed,

benevolence and righteousness came into vogue.

(Then) appeared wisdom and shrewdness,

and there ensued great hypocrisy.

When harmony no longer prevailed throughout the six kinships,

filial sons found their manifestation;

when the states and clans fell into disorder,

loyal ministers appeared.” (Chapter 18)

“Thus it was that when the Dao was lost, its attributes appeared;

when its attributes were lost, benevolence appeared;

when benevolence was lost, righteousness appeared;

and when righteousness was lost, the proprieties appeared.

Now propriety is the attenuated form of loyal-heartedness and good faith,

and is also the commencement of disorder”   (Chapter 38)  

Therefore,  Laozi advocates strengthening the cultivation of moral virtue, which means cultivating inner sanctity before achieving outward kingship. 

“The Dao when nursed within one’s self,

Its vigor will make true;

And where the family it rules

What riches will accrue!

The neighborhood where it prevails

In thriving will abound;

And when ’tis seen throughout the state,

Good fortune will be found.

Employ it the kingdom o’er,

And men thrive all around.”  (Chapter 54)

 It is important to adopt an attitude of non-action and let nature take its course. Just as Laozi pointed out,

 “Man takes his law from the Earth;

the Earth takes its law from Heaven;

Heaven takes its law from the Dao.

The law of the Dao is its being what it is.” (Chapter 25).

2.  Laozi on Peace

In terms of the fundamental inclination of his thought, Laozi was a pacifist, and his principle was one of “non-contention,” which means refraining from competition, conflict, and even warfare. Laozi stated, 

“The Way of Heaven is to benefit without harming; the Way of the sage is to act but not to compete” (Chapter 73). 

In all his doings the way of the sage is not to strive. (Chapter 81)

His thought on peace breaks down into two aspects:

(1) Broadly speaking, Laozi can be considered as opposing all forms of warfare.

He who would assist a lord of men in harmony with the Dao

Will not assert his mastery in the kingdom by force of arms. (Chapter 30)

He advocated not using military force to dominate, as he expressed in several passages throughout the “Dao Te Ching.” For instance, he said,

Now arms, however beautiful, are instruments of evil omen, hateful, it may be said, to all creatures. Therefore they who have the Dao do not like to employ them. (Chapter 31)

(2)  Laozi did at times support just wars but even then in his heart he detested war.  Laozi wrote 

Those sharp weapons are instruments of evil omen, and not the instruments of the superior man; – he uses them only on the compulsion of necessity. (Chapter 31)

Furthermore,  Laozi recommended using unconventional tactics to minimize casualties in warfare, 

weapons of war may be used with crafty dexterity (Chapter 57). 

Laozi asserted that 

Governing a great state is like cooking small fish. (Chapter 60) and that the sage 

Rule the country by the way of inaction and tranquility, employ the army using unconventional and secretive methods, and rule  by not disturbing the people. (Chapter 57)

 In this sense, some scholars consider the Dao Te Ching to be a treatise on warfare.

3.  Laozi on Equality 

Unlike Confucianism, which upheld the feudal hierarchy, Laozi, while recognizing the existence of inequality as an objective reality, advocated humility for those in high positions with solicitude for those below and those below making their superiors be at ease. The Laozi  states, 

“That whereby the rivers and seas are able to receive the homage and tribute of all the valley streams, is their skill in being lower than they; – it is thus that they are the kings of them all. So it is that the sage (ruler), wishing to be above men, puts himself by his words below them, and, wishing to be before them, places his person behind them.” (Chapter 66).

 He also stated, “The one who excels in employing others places himself beneath them” (Chapter 68). 

He emphasized the idea that the high should be based on the low, and the strong should be founded on the weak. He asked,

Thus it is that dignity finds its (firm) root in its (previous) meanness, and what is lofty finds its stability in the lowness (from which it rises). Hence princes and kings call themselves ‘Orphans,’ ‘Men of small virtue,’ and as ‘Carriages without a nave.’ Is not this an acknowledgment that in their considering themselves mean they see the foundation of their dignity? (Chapter 39)

(The master of it) anticipates things that are difficult while they are easy, and does things that would become great while they are small. All difficult things in the world are sure to arise from a previous state in which they were easy, and all great things from one in which they were small. Therefore the sage, while he never does what is great, is able on that account to accomplish the greatest things. (Chapter 63)

 In terms of international relations, Laozi advocated a posture of humility for both weaker and stronger nations, especially advising larger nations to remain behind and take a subordinate role. He said, 

What makes a great state is its being (like) a low-lying, down- flowing (stream); – it becomes the centre to which tend (all the small states) under heaven.

(To illustrate from) the case of all females: – the female always overcomes the male by her stillness. Stillness may be considered (a sort of) abasement.

Thus it is that a great state, by condescending to small states, gains them for itself; and that small states, by abasing themselves to a great state, win it over to them. In the one case the abasement leads to gaining adherents, in the other case to procuring favour.

The great state only wishes to unite men together and nourish them; a small state only wishes to be received by, and to serve, the other. Each gets what it desires, but the great state must learn to abase itself.  (Chapter 61).

4.  Laozi on Ecological Thought

 Modern ecological perspectives suggest that in nature, every organism is interconnected, forming a network of life. From the smallest cells to animals and human societies, the entire natural world is a complex ecosystem composed of countless interrelated and evolving life networks. When a system is divided into isolated components, its characteristics are disrupted, and the characteristics of larger systems are also imbalanced or altered. This ecological view emphasizes that humans and their lives are part of the ecological cycle, and the interaction between social structures and the human network is a complex network composed of various dynamic systems. 

These modern ecological ideas about the relationship between humans and nature were articulated by Laozi over 2,000 years ago. Laozi advocated the unity of heaven and humanity, considering humans and nature as inseparable entities. He pointed out, 

The Dao that can be trodden is not the enduring and unchanging Dao. 

(Chapter 1). 

The Dao produced One; 

One produced Two; 

Two produced Three; 

Three produced All things. 

All things leave behind them the Obscurity (out of which they have come), and go forward to embrace the Brightness (into which they have emerged), 

while they are harmonised by the Breath of Vacancy. (Chapter 42)

Therefore, humans and nature should achieve a high degree of unity, that is, 

Man takes his law from the Earth; the Earth takes its law from Heaven; Heaven takes its law from the Dao. The law of the Dao takes its law from nature (its being what it is).” (Chapter 25). 

Today, environmental issues have become increasingly prominent in international relations, and ecological diplomacy has emerged as a new form of diplomacy. Laozi’s ecological thought holds significant warning for humanity.

5. The Thought of Wu Wei (Non-Action)

Wu Wei is the core of Laozi’s diplomatic thought, representing the application of his philosophical ideas to politics. He proposed,

 “In loving the people and ruling the state, cannot he proceed without any (purpose of) action?” (Chapter 10). 

Wu Wei, when understood literally, means not doing. However, Laozi’s concept of Wu Wei is far from passive inaction; it contains a positive and profound philosophy. 

Firstly, Laozi’s Wu Wei is about following the natural way, aligning with natural requirements, and not acting against natural laws or arbitrarily interfering. For example, Laozi said,

  • The law of the Dao takes its law from nature. (Chapter 25)
  • To know that unchanging rule is to be intelligent; not to know it leads to wild movements and evil issues. (Chapter 16)
  • Thus he helps the natural development of all things, and does not dare to act (with an ulterior purpose of his own). (Chapter  64)

In this sense, Laozi’s Wu Wei implies an acknowledgment of the current international situation, even if it is unreasonable, without attempting to change it forcefully, because 

  •  He who gets as his own all under heaven does so by giving himself no trouble (with that end). If one takes trouble (with that end), he is not equal to getting as his own all under heaven.  (Chapter 48)
  • He who acts (with an ulterior purpose) does harm; he who takes hold of a thing (in the same way) loses his hold. The sage does not act (so), and therefore does no harm; he does not lay hold (so), and therefore does not lose his boldness. (Chapter 64)

Secondly, Laozi’s Wu Wei is about acting with a wuwei do-nothing attitude and “by doing nothing everything is done”. He suggested, 

The Dao in its regular course does nothing (for the sake of doing it), 

And so there is nothing which it does not do.

If princes and kings were able to maintain it, 

All things would of themselves be transformed by them.  (Chapter 37)

(Those who) possessed in highest degree the attributes (of the Dao) did not (seek) to show them, 

and therefore they possessed them (in fullest measure). 

(Those who) possessed in a lower degree those attributes (sought how) not to lose them, 

and therefore they did not possess them (in fullest measure). (Chapter 38)

When there is this abstinence from action, good order is universal. (Chapter 3)

Therefore, Laozi’s ideology is to act with a “non-doing” attitude. For instance, he proposed “to act without relying on” and “to act without contending,” emphasizing the need to act in accordance with objective laws, fully mobilizing human subjectivity within the framework of natural laws, in order to secure a more beneficial international environment for oneself.

6. The Thought of Softness Triumphing Over Strength

Building upon the idea of natural non-action, Laozi also introduced the diplomatic strategy and tactic of “softness triumphing over strength.” He said, 

The way the Dao operates is subtle and weak (Chapter 40). 

Guarding what is soft and tender is (the secret of) strength. (Chapter 52)

Man at his birth is supple and weak; at his death, firm and strong. 

(So it is with) all things. 

Trees and plants, in their early growth, are soft and brittle; at their death, dry and withered. 

Thus it is that firmness and strength are the concomitants of death; 

softness and weakness, the concomitants of life. (Chapter 78)

The soft overcomes the hard; and the weak the strong. (Chapter 36)

There is nothing that can take precedence of it; – for there is nothing (so effectual) for which it can be changed. (Chapter 78).

But how does one achieve “The soft overcomes the hard; and the weak the strong”? Laozi suggested several ways of doing this: 

The first method is not to strive to be first in the world. He wrote, “But I have three precious things which I prize and hold fast. The first is gentleness; the second is economy; and the third is shrinking from taking precedence over others.” (Chapter 67).

The second method is to know the masculine and preserve the feminine, hiding one’s abilities and biding one’s time. In order to achieve the goal of overcoming the strong with the weak, Laozi proposed

Who knows his manhood’s strength,

Yet still his female feebleness maintains; As to one channel flow the many drains,

All come to him, yea, all beneath the sky. Thus he the constant excellence retains;

The simple child again, free from all stains. Who knows how white attracts,

Yet always keeps himself within black’s shade, The pattern of humility displayed…” (Chapter 28) 

This is a relatively proactive political strategy, which is in fact to retreat as an advance, and to defend as an attack. Accordingly, Lao Tzu also advocated the strategy of 

欲取姑与  Yù qǔ gū yú “in order to take something, first give something for the time being; inducing the other party to let down his guard, and then look for an opportunity to take it.“. 

Laozi wrote: “To restrain something, one must first expand it. To weaken something, one must first strengthen it. To abolish something, one must first elevate it. To seize something, one must first give to it. This is called subtle yet evident: softness overcomes strength. The survival of fish cannot be separated from the pond’s depths, and the criminal laws and governance of a nation should not be flaunted before the people; they should not be made apparent to all..” (Chapter 8).

The third method is to remain in a humble station and not to struggle at all. Laozi wrote: 

The highest excellence is like (that of) water. The excellence of water appears in its benefiting all things, and in its occupying, without striving (to the contrary), the low place which all men dislike. Hence (its way) is near to (that of) the Dao. The excellence of a residence is in (the suitability of) the place; that of the mind is in abysmal stillness; that of associations is in their being with the virtuous; that of words is in their trustworthiness; that of government is in its securing good order; that of (the conduct of) affairs is in its ability; and that of (the initiation of) any movement is in its timeliness. And when (one with the highest excellence) does not wrangle (about his low position), no one finds fault with him. (Chapter 8) 

The sage  “Because he does not struggle, no one finds it possible to struggle with him.” (Chapter 66)

“He whose boldness appears in his daring (to do wrong, in defiance of the laws) is put to death; he whose boldness appears in his not daring (to do so) lives on. Of these two cases the one appears to be advantageous, and the other to be injurious. But

When Heaven’s anger smites a man,

Who the cause shall truly scan?

On this account the sage feels a difficulty (as to what to do in the former case).

It is the way of Heaven not to strive…” (Chapter 73)

The main characteristics of Laozi’s diplomatic ideology are to address the main issue and counteract it, which contains numerous profound wisdom and has a tremendous impact on China’s social development and diplomacy. 

  1.  Laozi’s ideology is peaceful and in line with the concept of benevolent rule. He advocates non-contention, non-doing, and “not using force to conquer the world,” which are highly valuable. 
  2. Laozi’s ideology is a survival strategy for the weak. In times when a country’s national strength is not sufficiently strong, it requires hiding one’s capabilities and biding one’s time. 
  3. Laozi’s ideology is truly extraordinary, such as proposing using softness to overcome strength and the cultivation of inner virtue and outer kingship, which all demonstrate exceptional wisdom. 

Of course, Daoist philosophy also has negative aspects, such as possibly leading people towards passivity and lack of ambition; Laozi’s strategy of using softness to overcome rigidity contains a hidden threat. As the Qing Dynasty scholar Wei Yuan said, “Although the path of Yin is soft, in action it can be deadly.”

II. Daoist Thought and China’s Post-Cold War  Foreign Policy 

Contemporary Chinese diplomacy, especially post-Cold War diplomacy or foreign policy, reflects the profound influence of Daoist diplomatic thought. Deng Xiaoping is the chief architect of contemporary Chinese diplomacy, with his philosophical and diplomatic ideas characterized by seeking truth from facts. In contrast to the ideological revolutionary diplomacy emphasized during Mao Zedong’s era, Deng Xiaoping’s diplomacy focused on pragmatic diplomacy that prioritized national interests. While Daoist international thought influenced both Mao and Deng, the aspects of it that influenced them differed. Mao mainly drew on Laozi’s thoughts of the unity of opposites and struggle and became well-known for his thinking on the contradictions and unities of the dialectic and his combative approach to international relations. 

Deng, on the other hand, emphasized adapting to reality, exemplifying the concept of natural non-action (wuwei). Domestically, Deng placed economic development at the core, while internationally, his goal was to strive for a peaceful international environment, enhance China’s comprehensive national strength, and pursue China’s rightful position as a major international power. After the end of the Cold War, Deng’s diplomatic thinking became more pragmatic, reflected in his 32-character foreign policy guideline: “Observe calmly; secure our position; cope with affairs calmly; hide our capacities and bide our time; be good at maintaining a low profile; and never claim leadership; seize the opportunity; and accomplish something.” 冷静观察,稳住阵脚;沉着应付,韬光养晦;保持威势,决不当头;抓住时机,有所作为。

[Translator’s Note: The 24 character formulation is the best known; it was later increased to 28 characters.  In the early 1990s, the “24-character” strategy was: “Observe calmly, secure our position, cope with patience, hide our capabilities and bide our time, be good at keeping a low profile, and never claim leadership.” Later, four more characters were added: “Strive for achievements.” The 32-character formulation mentioned above has in addition “secure our position” 保持威势.]

1. The influence of Laozi’s international thought on Deng Xiaoping’s diplomatic thinking

Laozi’s thoughts had a significant impact on Deng Xiaoping. First, Deng Xiaoping was from Sichuan, one of the birthplaces of Daoism. Mount Qingcheng is a famous Daoist mountain and the site of Daoist temples. His father, Deng Wenming, was a local notable who had four wives, and Deng Xiaoping was born to his second wife. Looking at Deng Xiaoping’s legendary experiences in Chinese politics, he had a deep understanding of the wisdom of Daoism and was skilled in the art of hiding one’s capabilities and biding one’s time. He extended his political experience to the international arena, forming his diplomatic or international strategic thinking. Below, I will summarize the aspects of Deng Xiaoping’s diplomatic thinking that were influenced by Laozi’s international thought.

Deng Xiaoping’s foreign policy thought influenced by Daoism can be summarized as follows, primarily in the post-Cold War era:

Independence and Self-Reliance: In September 1982, Deng Xiaoping emphasized the principle of “handling China’s affairs in accordance with China’s situation. To be independent, self-reliant, and, regardless of the past, present, or future, these are our foundation” (Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping, Volume 3, Page 3). Deng’s approach is connected to Laozi’s concept of “inner saint and outer king,” where “inner saint” involves inward efforts. Laozi stated, “He who knows other men is discerning; he who knows himself is intelligent. He who overcomes others is strong; he who overcomes himself is mighty.” (Chapter 33). Therefore, Deng advocated prioritizing China’s domestic affairs and focusing on “building the Four Modernizationswhile striving for the rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. Deng believed that without achieving the Four Modernizations, China would not have its deserved place in the world (Ibid, Volume 3, Page 357). He also emphasized, “First, boost the economy, and everything else will follow. Right now, we need to push the economy ahead forcefully. This is the overall situation, and everything should be subordinate to it” (Ibid, Page 129). 

From this perspective, Deng stressed, “To develop China, to realize our grand goals, we need a peaceful international environment” (Page 94). He outlined the fundamental goals of China’s foreign policy as “opposing hegemonism and safeguarding world peace. We prioritize seeking peace in our foreign policy. Pursuing peace is the demand of people worldwide and is also necessary for our development. Without a peaceful environment, what can we build?” (Page 11). Based on the principles of independence, self-reliance, and non-interference in others’ internal affairs, Deng also advocated maintaining the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, avoiding alliances with major powers, refraining from seeking hegemony, fully opening up to the world, and establishing a new international political and economic order.

Know Your Strengths Yet Abide in Softness  Avoiding Conflict  知雄守雌 . Conceal your strengths and keep a low profile 韬光养晦 . After the end of the Cold War, the international situation underwent significant changes. Deng Xiaoping believed that the post-Cold War international landscape was in transition from old to new, evolving toward a multipolar structure. However, he emphasized the need for calm observation of the international situation, which he regarded as highly unpredictable and marked by increasingly prominent contradictions. He stated, “Now, the international situation is so unpredictable, and contradictions are becoming more prominent… It’s much more complex and chaotic than before” (Ibid, pp. 353-354; 363). Deng suggested that “perhaps one Cold War has ended, and two new Cold Wars have already begun. One is directed against the entire South, the Third World, and the other is directed against socialism. Western countries are waging a third world war without gun smoke… aimed at the peaceful evolution of socialism” (Ibid, p. 344).

Clearly, the end of the Cold War had unfavorable implications for China’s international standing. However, the international situation was not entirely bleak, as there were favorable conditions and opportunities for China. Themes of peace and development continued to be relevant, and the trend toward a multipolar world was becoming increasingly apparent. Therefore, Deng advocated a calm and composed approach to the post-Cold War international situation, emphasizing the need to secure China’s position. He stated, “Stay calm, remain calm, and get even calmer. Focus on concrete work and do our own tasks” (Ibid, p. 321). This approach aligns with Laozi’s concept of “knowing strength and guarding weakness.”

The purpose of “knowing strength and guarding weakness” is to practice “concealing brilliance and nurturing obscurity.” Deng’s approach was to focus on China’s own development while being cautious not to become overly involved in others’ affairs. He stated, “We cannot manage other people’s affairs” and emphasized that China should not take the lead in international matters, calling it a fundamental national policy. He stressed the importance of “seeing the overall picture” and not getting distracted, asserting that the key was to develop the economy and seize opportunities. Deng believed that as China continued to develop, the peaceful forces restraining war would significantly strengthen (Pages 363, 354, 368, 105, 375).

Seeking Truth from Facts, One Country, Two Systems. Regarding historical foreign-related issues, Deng advocated a pragmatic approach rooted in seeking truth from facts and implementing the “one country, two systems” solution. He stated, “‘One country, two systems‘ was proposed based on China’s actual situation” (Ibid, p. 84). Deng emphasized that the approach to solving the Hong Kong issue with “one country, two systems” was not a momentary emotional impulse or a mere tactic but a response grounded in reality. He explained, “Our policy is to implement ‘one country, two systems.’ Specifically, within the People’s Republic of China, a socialist system is practiced on the vast mainland with a population of one billion, while Hong Kong and Taiwan practice a capitalist system” (Ibid, pp. 59-60). Deng’s approach aligns with Laozi’s emphasis on non-action, which involves recognition of reality. Laozi stated, “He who gets as his own all under heaven does so by giving himself no trouble (with that end). If one takes trouble (with that end), he is not equal to getting as his own all under heaven.” (Chapter 48). He also noted, “If any one should wish to get the world (tianxia) for himself, and to effect this by what he does, I see that he will not succeed. The world (tianxia)  is a spirit-like thing, and cannot be got by active doing. He who would so win it destroys it; he who would hold it in his grasp loses it.” (Chapter 29).

2.  Laozi’s Diplomatic Thought and China’s Foreign Policy After the Cold War

Laozi’s philosophical ideas have had a significant impact on ancient Chinese diplomatic history, but there were limited periods in which China truly implemented Daoist principles in its foreign policy. These exceptions include Emperor Wu of the Han Dynasty’s policies toward the Xiongnu and the Tang Dynasty’s policies toward the Xiongnu and Tibet.

 In ancient China, due to its overwhelming strength, and in modern times, due to its relative weakness, it was not always possible to apply Daoist principles in foreign diplomacy. However, after the end of the Cold War, the international environment changed. The world shifted from bipolarity to multipolarity, and China transitioned from a planned economy to a market economy. As a result, ideological aspects of foreign policy diminished, and pragmatic diplomacy became the predominant theme in China’s post-Cold War foreign policy. Therefore, China’s foreign policy practice after the Cold War exhibited strong Daoist characteristics. This can be observed in four aspects:

  • 1.  Goals of Chinese Foreign Policy: The primary goal of China’s foreign policy is to maintain world peace, promote global development, oppose hegemony, and establish a new international political and economic order. This goal reflects a focus on domestic priorities and economic development. After 1978, the Communist Party of China established the basic party line of placing economic development at the center. Foreign affairs were seen as serving economic development, primarily by creating a peaceful and favorable international environment. The Chinese Communist Party recognized that without strong economic development, the country could not secure its place in the international arena. This approach reflects typical Chinese thinking, characterized by an inward focus, self-strengthening, and the principle of “inner sage, outer king.” [Nèi shèng wài wáng 内圣外王] These considerations have traces of Daoist thought.
  • 2.  Key Principles of Chinese Foreign Policy: The key principles include the principles of independence, the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, and opposition to hegemonism. Independence means that China’s affairs must be decided by the Chinese themselves, based on China’s conditions, and without any foreign interference. This reflects the Daoist concept of inner strength leading to outer dominance. The Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence involve mutual respect for sovereignty and territory, non-aggression, non-interference in internal affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence. The core of these principles is respecting the choices of different countries’ peoples regarding their social systems and development paths, taking into account the interests of all countries, and recognizing the equality of all nations in the international community. Daoism also promotes equality; Laozi said, “Great countries should lower themselves… A great country should take the low place.” Although the concept of sovereignty was not present in Laozi’s time, he already recognized its importance. He stated, “Just as fish cannot escape from the deep; the sharp weapons of the state should not be shown to others.” (Chapter 36).
  • 3.  Focus of Chinese Foreign Policy: From a regional perspective, China’s foreign policy focuses on the Asia-Pacific region, stability in its neighboring areas, and global outreach. This emphasis on regional stability and economic development aligns with China’s comprehensive national strength, foreign policy goals, and the current international landscape. It also reflects Daoist thinking. Laozi consistently advocated “great countries should lower themselves” and promoted good relations with neighboring countries, emphasizing the coexistence and prosperity of both large and small nations. While Laozi also had a concept of the “all under heaven,” he advocated achieving world unity through peaceful means, such as non-action, non-contention, and concealing brilliance while nurturing obscurity. In line with Daoist thought, Chinese leaders have consistently advocated “non-hegemony.” 
  • Both Mao Zedong and Deng spoke of and Deng stressed good-neighborly peaceful diplomacy, and stating, “China hopes for world peace and regional peace, especially friendly relations and development with Asian countries. This is not just a makeshift measure but a long-term strategic decision” (People’s Daily, April 16, 1988). As a result, in the 1990s, China’s diplomatic efforts in maintaining good relations with its neighbors achieved remarkable success, providing China with the best regional environment since the founding of the People’s Republic of China. Currently, China is one of the regionally influential global players in the Asia-Pacific region. With the continued development of its economy and enhanced comprehensive national strength, China is expected to play an even more significant role on the global stage in the mid-21st century, becoming one of the poles in a multipolar world.

4. China’s Diplomatic Strategy and Tactics The fundamental objective of China’s foreign policy is to create a peaceful international environment for the country’s modernization efforts. To achieve this goal, China’s diplomatic strategy and tactics primarily revolve around the principle of “Daoguang yanghui” (keeping a low profile), avoiding taking the lead internationally, not seeking to dominate, and focusing on building a peaceful international environment that allows China to prioritize its domestic development. Deng Xiaoping once said, “We must seize opportunities to develop China, pay less attention to what others are doing, and not fear sanctions” (Ibid, p. 358). As a result, in recent years, China has adopted a more cautious and low-key approach on many international issues, which has given the impression that China’s diplomacy during the Deng era was less assertive than during the Mao era.

For example, during incidents like the “Yinhe container ship” incident in 1993 and the bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in 1999, despite many Chinese considering them as “national humiliations,” the Chinese government maintained a cautious stance, not wanting to escalate tensions unnecessarily, even when dealing with perceived acts of U.S. hegemony.


道家思想和冷战后的中国外交

本文共阅读 6581 次 更新时间:2008-07-11 14:22

进入专题: 王福春  

● 王福春 

西方某些学者在研究中国的对外关系时,经常喜欢采用所谓“中央王国情结”(Middle-Kingdom Complex)来解释中国的对外政策行为。这些学者认为,“中央王国情结”反映了一种文化幻象,它依据于儒家的思想,并具体化为清朝实行的朝贡体制。在这种体制下,中国自认为是‘天下’的中心,而这个中心则为有德的‘天子’所统治。这种体制强化了中国的文化优越感,并使中国人把所有外国人视为蛮夷。在共产党取得政权以后,仍然存在着对某种明确的等级制度的需要。所有现代中国领导人所表现出来的一个基本特征是,他们对中国文化价值与中国生活方式关联性的根深蒂固的信念,以及强调这种关联性在指导世界人民时的激励作用。

西方学者的这种解释尽管在中国历史上可以找到许多的例证,但仍然存在致命的缺陷。首先,中国是一个具有5000年历史的文明古国,早在2000多年以前,中国就已建立了中央集权的封建国家。某些西方学者仅仅把盛行于清朝(1644-1840)也许还包括明朝(1368-1644)的朝贡制度作为解释中国外交史的基本模式,不能不认为是一种过分简单化的做法。何况,清朝并不是严格意义上的汉人政权,而是以满族为主导的封建王朝。其次,中国文化的传统不是单一的,而是多样化的。“中央王国情结”只看到了儒家的传统和影响,而忽视了道家、佛家等其他文化传统的影响。

道家是中国主体文化价值的源泉之一,道家的思想博大精深,源远流长,对中国社会包括当代中国社会的各个方面有重要影响。在中国历史上,虽然儒家通常占据统治地位,但是道家和佛教以及儒家又是并称为“三家”的。在宋朝以后,三家在某种程度上出现了合流的趋势,特别是道家和佛教,有时已经很难区分他们的教义。道家的思想极为丰富,当然也包括了外交方面的思想,这些不可能不对中国的社会和外交产生重大影响。

一、道家外交思想的基本架构

道家的外交思想包括一些什麽内容呢?很少有人作过归纳。我想主要依据老子的《道德经》,对此作一探讨。我认为,老子的外交思想主要包括以下诸方面:

1.王道的思想。外交曾是我国古代圣贤考虑的重要问题之一,实际上就是治国平天下的大学问。儒家、道家、墨家、法家、纵横家和兵家等都各有一套自己的理论。这些理论大体可以分为两类:王道派和霸道派。儒家、道家和墨家等属于王道派,主张以德治天下,实现天下大同;法家、纵横家和兵家等是霸道派,崇尚武力和权谋,以便建立大一统的封建中央集权国家。道家是王道派的主要代表之一,其始祖老子重道贵德,主张王道,行仁政,以德治天下。在《道德经》中,老子最重视的是道,其次是德。书中76处讲到了道,44处讲到了德。什么是道?老子有时指的是宇宙的本原,例如他指出:“有物混成,先天地生,寂兮寥兮,独立而不改,周行而不殆,可以为天下母。吾不知其名,字之曰「道」”(「道德经」25章)。“道生一,一生二,二生三,三生万物”(42章)。有时指的则是自然万物运行的客观规律性,例如老子说过:道本身包含有阴阳两个要素,“万物负阴而抱阳”(42章),“反者,道之动,弱者道之用。”(40章)。矛盾的对立和统一就是世间万物的规律,这种规律无处不在,无时不有,“周行而不殆”。有时道就是指伦理法则,例如老子认为:“天之道,损有余而补不足;人之道,则不然,损不足以奉有余,”“孰能有余以奉天下?唯有道者”(77章)。什麽是德?老子说:“生而不有,为而不恃,长而不宰,是为玄德”(10章)。玄德即原始和自然之德,是道赋予事物的自然本性。老子云:“道生之,德蓄之,物行之,是以万物莫不尊道而贵德”(51章)。自然之德体现到我们人类,就是品性和德行了。而就德的本质而言,是“和”。老子曰:“含德之厚,比如赤子;……终日号而不哑,和之至也”。(55章)“和其光,同其尘,是谓玄同”(56章)老子还指出:天下大乱的原因是失去了道和德的缘故。他说:“大道废,有仁义;智慧出,有大伪;六亲不和,有孝慈;国家昏乱有忠臣”。“故失道而后德,失德而后仁,失仁而后义,失义而后礼。忠信之薄,而乱之首”(18章,38章)。因此,老子主张加强道德之修养,即内圣而后外王,“修之于身,其德乃真;修之于家,其德乃余;修之于乡,其德乃长;修之于国,其德乃丰;修之于天下,其德乃普”(45章)。应该采取无为而因任自然的态度。正如老子指出:“人法地,地法天,天法道,道法自然”(25章)。

2.和平思想。就他思想的基本倾向而言,老子是一个和平主义者,他的原则就是“不争”,即不竞争,不斗争,也包括不战争。老子说:“天之道,不争而善胜”(73章),“圣人之道,为而不争”(81章)。老子和平的思想主要包括2个方面:

(1)笼统地讲,老子可以说是反对一切战争的,他主张“不以兵强天下”(30章)。他在《道德经》中多处写道:“夫兵者,不祥之器;物或恶之,故有道者不处”(31章)。“天下有道,却走马以粪;天下无道,戎马生于郊”(46章)。“师之所处,荆棘从生,大军之后,必有凶年”(30章)。

(2)老子有时也支持正义战争,但是他在内心里却是厌恶战争的。他言道:“兵者不祥之器,非君子之器,不得已而用之”(31章)。但是,他又主张,在自卫战争胜利之后,应“以丧礼处之”(31章)。而且,老子为了减少战争中的伤亡,还主张“以奇用兵”(57章)。他说:“治大国如烹小鲜”,圣人“以正治国,以奇用兵,以无事取天下”(60章,57章)。从这个意义上讲,有人曾认为《道德经》是一部兵书。

3.平等的思想。与儒家维护封建等级制的观念不同,老子尽管承认不平等是一种客观存在,但他却主张居上谦下,以下安上。他说:“江海所以能为百谷王者,以其善下之,故能为百谷王。是以欲上民必以身后之。是以圣人处上而民不重,处前而民不害。”(66章)“善用人者为下。”(68章)“贵以贱为本,高以下为基,是以侯王自谓‘孤’、‘寡’、‘不谷’。此非以贱为本邪?非乎?”“图难于其易,为大于其细。天下难事必作于易。天下大事必作于细。是以圣人终不为大,故能成其大”(39章,63章)。具体到国与国之间的关系,老子主张弱国和强国都要采取低姿态的做法,尤其是大国要居后,处下。他言道:“大国者下流,……故大国以下小国,则取小国;小国以下大国,则取大国。……夫两者各得其所欲者,大者宜为下”(61章)。

4.生态的思想。现代生态学的观点认为,在自然界中,每一种有机体都是一个整体,都是一个生命的网络。从最小的细胞到动物以及人类社会都是如此。整个自然界就是一个由无数相互联系、不断发展的生命网络系统构成的生态系统。当一个系统被分割为孤立的组成部分时,这个系统的特性就会遭受破坏,更大的系统的特性也会随之失衡或发生变化。这种生态学强调,人及其人的生活也包含在生态的循环之中,而且社会结构与人类之网的相互作用也是一个由各种动态系统组成的复杂网络。现代生态学关于人与自然的这些观念,其实老子早在2000多年前已经提出了。老子主张天人合一,人与自然是一个不可分割的整体。他指出:“道,可道,非常道。”“道生一,一生二,二生三,三生万物;万物负阴而抱阳,冲气以为和。”(1章,42章)因此,人与自然应当实现高度的统一,即“人法地,地法天,天法道,道法自然”(25章)。当前,环境问题在国际关系中的地位越来越突出,生态外交已成为新的外交形式。老子的生态思想对人类具有重要的警示意义。

5.自然无为的思想。无为是老子外交思想的核心,是他的哲学思想在政治上的应用。他提出:“爱民治国,能无为乎?”(10章)。老子的无为思想,从字面上理解,就是不要做的意思。但是,老子的这个思想决不仅仅是消极的无所作为,它具有十分积极和深刻的内容。首先,老子的“无为”讲的是自然无为,也就是要顺应自然,符合自然的要求,而不能违背自然规律,任意胡为。例如老子说:“道法自然,”“知常曰明,不知常,妄作凶。”“以辅万物之自然而不敢为”。(25,16,64章)从这个方面理解,老子的无为思想,隐含着对国际现状的承认,即使它是不合理的,也不要妄用人力去改变它,因为“取天下常以无事,及其有事,不足以取天下”,“为者败之,执者失之,是以圣人无为故无败,无执故无失”(48,64章)。其次,老子的无为是“为无为”和“无为而无不为。”“道常,无为而无不为。侯王若能守之,万物将自化”(37章)。“上德无为而无不为,下德为之而有不为”(38章)“为无为,则无不治”(3章)。因此,老子的思想是要用“无为”的态度去为。比如,他提出:“为而不恃”,“为而不争”,应当按照客观规律去为,在顺应自然规律的前提下去充分发挥人的主观能动性,以争取一个对自己更加有利的国际环境。

6.柔弱胜刚强的思想。从自然无为的思想出发,老子又提出了“柔弱胜刚强”外交战略和策略。他说:“弱者道之用”(40章)。“守柔曰强”,“人之生也弱,其死也坚强。草木之生也柔弱,其死也枯槁。故柔弱者生之徒,坚强者死之徒”,“天下之至柔,驰聘天下之至坚”,“天下莫柔弱于水,而攻坚强者莫之能胜”(52,76,78章)。“柔弱胜刚强,”“天下莫不之知,莫能行”(36,78章)。所以,自然的规律是“弱之胜强,柔之胜刚”(78章)。但是,如何才能做到“柔弱胜刚强”呢?老子提出了几个办法:一是不敢为天下先。他写到:“我有三宝,持而保之:一曰慈,二曰俭,三曰不敢为天下先。慈故能勇,俭故能广,不敢为天下先故能成器长”(67章)。第二个办法是知雄守雌,韬光养晦。为了达到以柔克刚的目的,老子提出:必须“知其雄,守其雌,为天下峪。……知其白,守其黑,为天下式……知其荣,守其辱,为天下谷”(28章)。这是一种比较积极主动的政治策略,实际上是以退为进,以守为攻。依此,老子还提出了“欲取姑与”的策略思想。他说:“将欲缩之,必固张之。将欲弱之,必固强之。将欲发之,必先兴之。将欲夺之,必固与之”(36章)。第三个办法是处下不争。老子云:“上善若水,水善利万物而‘不争’,处众人所恶,故几于道……夫唯‘不争’,故无尤”(8章)。圣人“以其不争,故天下莫能与之争”(66章)。“勇于敢则杀,勇于不敢则活……天之道,‘不争’而善胜”(73)。

老子的外交思想的主要特点是正题反作,其中包含了许多丰富而深刻的智慧,对于中国的社会发展和外交的影响也是巨大的。首先,老子的思想是和平的,是合于王道的思想,他主张不争,无为,以及“不以兵强天下”,是很宝贵的。其次,老子思想是弱者的生存战略。在国家国力不够强大的时候,需要韬光养晦,等待时机。第三,老子的思想确实异于常人,如提出以柔弱胜刚强;内圣外王,采内向之努力等,均是超常之智慧。当然,道家思想也有消极方面,如易使人走向消极,不求进取;老子的以柔克刚,内含杀机。清代学者魏源讲:“阴之道虽柔,而其机则杀”。

二、道家思想与冷战后的中国外交

当代中国外交尤其是冷战后的中国外交或外交政策,体现了道家外交思想的深刻影响。邓小平是当代中国外交的总设计师,他的哲学思想和外交思想,是以实事求是为基本特色的。与毛泽东时代注重意识形态的革命外交不同,邓小平时代的外交是以注重国家利益为主的务实外交。尽管道家的国际思想对毛和邓均有影响,但影响的方面是不同的。毛主要是吸取了老子的对立面相统一和斗争的思想,在国际上以树敌和好斗而闻名。邓则强调顺应现实,即自然无为,在国内以经济建设为中心,在国际上以争取和平的国际环境为目标,增强中国的综合国力,追求中国应有的国际大国地位。冷战结束以后,邓的外交思想更为务实,集中体现为他的32字外交方针:“冷静观察,稳住阵脚;沉着应付,韬光养晦;保持威势,决不当头;抓住时机,有所作为。”

1.老子国际思想对邓小平外交思想的影响

老子的思想对邓小平影响很大。首先,邓小平是四川人,四川是道教的发源地之一。青城山是著名的道教道观所在地。他的父亲邓文明曾是乡绅,先后娶过4个妻子,邓小平是他父亲第二个妻子所生。再从邓小平在中国政坛上三下三上的传奇经历看,邓是深谙道家的智慧之术的,是善于韬光养晦的。他把他在政坛上的经验引申到国际领域,形成了他的外交或国际战略思想。下面我试将邓小平的外交思想受到老子国际思想影响的方面归纳如下:

邓小平的外交思想受到道家影响的主要方面如下(以冷战后为主):

1.独立自主,自力更生。1982年9月,邓小平提出:“中国的事情要按照中国的情况来办。独立自主,自力更生,无论过去、现在和将来,都是我们的立足点。”(邓选3卷3页)邓这个思想与老子有关系。老子有所谓“内圣外王”的思想,内圣即采取内向之努力。老子说:“知人者智,自知者明;胜人者力,自胜者强”(33章)。因此,邓主张首先要把中国自己的事情办好,“集中力量搞四个现代化,着眼于振兴中华民族。没有四个现代化,中国在世界上就没有应有的地位”。(3卷357页)邓还指出:“先把经济搞上去,一切都好办。现在就是要硬着头皮把经济搞上去,就这么一个大局,一切都要服从这个大局”。(129页)从这个大局出发,邓强调:“为了使中国发展起来,实现我们的宏伟目标,需要一个和平的国际环境”。(94)由此他规定中国外交政策的基本目标就是:“反对霸权主义,维护世界和平。我们把争取和平作为对外政策的首要任务。争取和平是世界人民的要求,也是我们搞建设的需要。没有和平环境,搞什么建设”!(11)根据独立自主、自力更生的原则,邓还提出了不以意识形态看待和处理国家关系,坚持和平共处五项原则,不与大国结盟,不称霸,全方位地对外开放,以及建立国际政治和经济新秩序等主张。

2.知雄守雌,韬光养晦。冷战结束以后,国际形势发生了很大变化,邓认为,冷战后的国际格局正处于新旧转换过程中,未来的国际格局将是多极化,但对国际形势仍需要冷静观察。他说:“现在国际形势不可测的多得很,矛盾越来越突出。……现在比那个时候要复杂得多,乱得多”。(353-354页;363页)“可能是一个冷战结束了,另外两个冷战又已经开始。一个是针对整个南方、第三世界的,另一个是针对社会主义的。西方国家正在打一场没有硝烟的第三次世界大战。……就是要社会主义和平演变。”(344)显然,冷战结束对中国有不利的一个方面,中国的国际地位下降了。但是国际形势也不是一团漆黑,也有对中国有利的方面,存在着对中国有利的条件和机会。如和平与发展仍为当今时代的主题,世界多极化的趋势日益明显等等。所以,对于冷战后的国际形势,邓主张冷静观察、稳住阵脚、沉着应付。要“冷静、冷静、再冷静,埋头实干,做好一件事,我们自己的事”。(321)这实际上就是老子说的“知雄守雌”。

知雄守雌的目的是要韬光养晦。“别人的事情我们管不了”,“第三世界一些国家希望中国当头。但是我们千万不要当头,这是一个基本国策”。“综观全局,不管怎么变化,我们要真正扎扎实实地抓好这10年建设,不要耽搁”。“抓住时机,发展自己,关键是发展经济”。“等到中国发展起来了,制约战争的和平力量将会大大增强”(363,354,368,105,375)。

3.实事求是,一国两制。对于过去历史上遗留下来的涉外问题,邓主张采取实事求是、一国两制的解决办法。他说:“‘一国两制’是从中国实际提出来的”。(84)“我们采取‘一个国家,两种制度’的办法解决香港问题,不是一时的感情冲动,也不是玩弄手法,完全是从实际出发的,是充分照顾到香港的历史和现实情况的”。“我们的政策是实行‘一个国家,两种制度’,具体说,就是在中华人民共和国内,十亿人口的大陆实行社会主义制度,香港、台湾实行资本主义制度”。(59-60页)邓的这个思想与老子有关,老子主张无为,这包含着对现实的承认,老子曰:“取天下常以无事,及其有事,不足以取天下”。(48章)“将欲取天下而为之,吾见其不得已。天下神器,不可为也。为者败之,执者失之”。(29章)

2.老子外交思想和冷战后的中国外交实践

老子的思想在古代中国外交史上有很大影响,但中国人真正实行道家主张的时期并不多。汉武帝对匈奴的政策,唐朝对匈奴和吐蕃的政策是例外。在中国古代,由于中国太强大,而在近代由于太孱弱,不可能实行道家的外交。但在冷战以后,国际环境发生了变化,世界由两极转变为多极;同时中国国内由计划经济转变为市场经济,外交政策的意识形态色彩淡化,务实外交成为冷战后中国外交的主旋律。所以,冷战后的中国外交实践呈现了强烈的道家色彩,具体可以从四个方面来看:

1.外交政策的目标。中国外交政策的目标就是维护世界和平,促进世界发展,反对霸权主义和强权政治,建立国际政治和国际经济新秩序。中国外交政策的这一目标体现了国内优先和经济优先的方针。1978年以后,中共确立了以经济建设为中心的党的基本路线,外交工作也要为经济建设服务,主要是为经济建设创造和平良好的国际环境。中共深知: 弱国无外交,落后就要挨打,因此首要任务是发展经济,增强综合国力,这样才能在国际上立于不败的境地。上述考虑是典型的中国思想方式, 是采内向式的努力,也就是自强自立,内圣而后外王。这当然有道家思想影响的痕迹。

2.外交政策的主要原则。独立自主原则、和平共处五项原则和反对霸权主义的原则。独立自主,指的是中国的事情必须由中国人自己作主张,自己来处理,即按照中国的情况来办和依靠中国人自己的力量来办,不容许别国再有一丝一毫的干涉。这体现了老子的内圣外王的思想。和平共处五项原则,即互相尊重主权和领土、互不侵犯、互不干涉内政、平等互利、和平共处等原则。五项原则的核心是尊重各国人民对社会制度和发展道路的选择,照顾所有国家的利益,承认世界各国不分大小、强弱、贫富,都是国际社会的平等成员,提倡世界各国对话合作,共同发展。老子也是主张平等的,他说:“大国者下流,……大国不过欲兼畜人,小国不过欲入事人。夫两者各得其所欲,大者宜为下之”(61章)。反对霸权主义的原则,实质是维护国家的主权和独立自主,反对外国干涉国家的内部事务。尽管老子当时还没有主权的概念,但他已看到这个问题的重要性。他说:“鱼不可脱于渊,国之利器,不可以示人”(36章)。

3.外交政策的重点。从地区原则看,中国外交政策的重点是立足亚太,稳定周边,走向世界。中国这个外交政策重点的确立与中国的综合国力,外交政策的目标, 当前的国际格局紧密相关,但与老子思想也有关联。老子一直主张“大者宜为下,”“大国居下流”,是主张与邻国搞好关系的,主张大、小国家共存共荣的。当然,老子也有天下的观念,只不过主张以和平手段统一天下,如无为、不争和韬光养晦等手段。与老子的思想相联系,中国领导人一贯主张“不称霸”,毛泽东、邓小平都讲过,邓更强调睦邻外交,“中国希望世界和平、地区和平,特别希望同亚洲国家发展友好关系,成为更好的朋友,这不是权宜之计,而是长期的战略决策”(人民日报1988年4月16日)。结果在90年代,中国的睦邻外交取得巨大成就,赢得了中华人民共和国建国以来最好的周边环境。目前中国是亚太地区具全球影响的地区性强之一,随着中国经济的发展和综合国力的提高,21世纪中期,中国将在全球舞台上扮演更加重要的角色,成为多极化世界中的一极。

4.中国的外交战略和策略。中国外交政策的基本目标是为中国的现代化建设创造一个和平的国际环境,本此目标,中国的外交战略和策略主要是韬光养晦,在国际上不若事,不当头,争取时间和时机,首先把中国自己的事情办好。邓曾讲过:“我们要利用机遇,把中国发展起来,少管别人的事,也不怕制裁”(358页)。因此近些年来,中国在许多国际问题上都采取了低姿态,以至给人以邓时代外交不及毛时代强硬的感觉。如1993年发生“银河”号事件, 1999年“炸馆”事件,美国对华搞霸权主义,很多中国人认为是“国耻”,但中国政府采取了慎重的态度。

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About 高大伟 David Cowhig

After retirement translated, with wife Jessie, Liao Yiwu's 2019 "Bullets and Opium", and have been studying things 格物致知. Worked 25 years as a US State Department Foreign Service Officer including ten years at US Embassy Beijing and US Consulate General Chengdu and four years as a China Analyst in the Bureau of Intelligence and Research. Before State I translated Japanese and Chinese scientific and technical books and articles into English freelance for six years. Before that I taught English at Tunghai University in Taiwan for three years. And before that I worked two summers on Norwegian farms, milking cows and feeding chickens.
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