2022: Tong Dezhi: The Rise of American Neoconservatism and Its Political Impact

Chinese political scientist Tong Dezhi’s perspective on US politics that I found among the many intriguing articles collected on the Chinese language side of the US-China Perspectives Monitor 中美印象 website, a project of the Carter Center.

Other translations on my translation blog relating to Chinese perspectives on the United States and US-China relations include:

Tong Dezhi: The Rise of American Neoconservatism and Its Political Impact

佟德志:美国新保守主义的兴起及其政治影响

by Tong Dezhi 佟德志

Source:国政学人 [National Political Scientist] 

Editor’s Note:

For a long time, international relations and comparative politics have ignored the importance of political trends. Under the [Translator’s Note: General Secretary Xi’s well-known phrase] “changes on a scale unprecedented for a century”, an in-depth study of political trends not only facilitates our understanding of the resonance of domestic and foreign politics, but also the deep structure of world politics. Political trends have raised many important research questions for our academic research that have yet to be answered. For this reason, the editorial board of World Politics Research invited eight scholars, including Zhu Yunhan, Tong Dezhi, Bai Tongdong, Wang Cunang, Zhang Wenzong, Yuan Qingzhi, Gao Chunya, and Liang Xuecun, to discuss the following four basic questions: (1) world political trends as the world “changes on a scale unprecedented for a century”; (2) traditional political trends and world political changes; (3) modern political trends and world political changes; and (4) emerging political trends and world political changes. We hope that this set of contributions will stimulate the academic community to think deeply about the relevance of political trends and world political changes. This roundtable discussion was selected from World Politics Studies, 2022, No. 1 series, and will be promoted in multiple installments in the order of the original publication layout.

Tong Dezhi: Professor, School of Politics and Administration, Tianjin Normal University; Researcher, Institute of National Governance, Peking University. A translation of his CV is appended to this article.

In 2016, Donald Trump’s election gave many scholars a new perspective on American politics. There was the shock of Trump becoming president as a political novice: the transition from Barack Obama to Donald Trump alone was a big shock. Synthesizing the mind-boggling array of political and policy ideas that Trump has espoused since taking office, we can indeed say that a kind of neoconservatism has emerged in the United States.

What is neoconservatism? What exactly does it consist of? What are the basic views and political ideas? Thinking about these questions has moved to the substantive level of understanding neoconservatism. But first, it is necessary to clarify a fundamental question, namely, has neoconservatism emerged in the United States or not? The author feels that it is important to keep an open mind on this question. Some scholars are afraid to talk about the “neo” and believe that the “neo” in neoconservatism is not valid and is no different from the old conservatism. Some scholars even think that “neo” is just claptrap. I am open-minded about this. If there is indeed something different, we can talk about the “new”.

Conservatism is an important perspective in American ideology, a complete ideological system. That is, like liberalism, conservatism can incorporate elements from other ideologies. For example, ideologies such as nationalism and populism. From this point of view, the “neo” aspects of American neoconservatism is manifested. For example, nationalism, one of the least popular ideologies in the United States, has become popular, and this is a new one. In particular, it is noteworthy that a political trend like populism has become popular in the United States. This is the newness of this brand of conservatism in terms of ideology.

A trend of thought must have a system of ideas. This system of ideas is not only on paper, it can’t just be all theoretical talk.  It must also have a practical impact in political practice, this is what forms a trend. If there were no actual influences, only some called ideas, it could not be called a trend of thought. Conservatism has not only systematic ideas, but also a series of political and policy ideas, such as trade war, anti-globalization, and so on. It has had a series of very profound effects on American politics, such as the political polarization of the United States, including culture wars and trade conflicts in the economic sphere. In fact, these effects too are very novel 

In terms of realpolitik implications, at least one thing is certain: the rise of neoconservatism represented by Trump’s emergence as the quintessential representative of neoconservatism that came with his election to the presidency. Donald Trump’s rise to power, including Britain’s “Brexit,” contain features common to neoconservatism worldwide. For example, after Trump came to power as a conservative Republican candidate, many Western scholars consider him a populist, which is very strange – it is difficult to integrate conservatism and populism, but in Trump’s case it is not inconsistent. Of course there is some debate here. I have always believed that Trump’s thinking has strong populist overtones, but Professor Cong Riyun of China University of Political Science and Law does not see Donald Trump as a populist but instead considers him a conservative. I believes that Trump has both populist claims and conservative characteristics. This hybridization has produced a new breed of neoconservatism, which some people call “Trumpism”. But if categorized, this should belong to the content of neoconservatism. It is generally accepted that conservatism and populism seem to be incompatible. But “Trumpism” has magically brought these two ideologies together, bringing a new color to conservatism.

First, let’s sort out the ideological origins of the conservative trend and the development of neoconservatism. Conservatism is a very important political trend. There are three contemporary Western political trends-liberalism, conservatism, and democratic socialism. Conservatism has a long history and is integrated, not only with political and policy ideas, but also, these ideas have a clear ideological system as their foundation, maintaining coherence and integrity. After the Second World War, conservatism even had some overlap with liberalism, such as neoliberalism, represented by Friedrick Hayek, Robert Nozick and others in the field of ideas; in the field of politics, represented by Ronald Reagan, Margaret Thatcher and others. Some people think this is neo-conservatism, some people think it is neoliberalism, the author believes that this is actually conservatism.

For conservatism, there are some classic judgments, such as tax cuts. During the time of President George W. Bush, that is, he cut taxes, and Donald Trump is also to cut taxes, this is certainly the most typical feature of conservatism, and it is the most classic, if not cut taxes, we will doubt whether this is conservatism. In addition, there are also some characteristics, such as the promotion of morality, religion, etc. Conservatism has been like this since the day it was created, and traditionally it has been like this. When George W. Bush took office, he even made some statements that were critical of the “political correctness” that was popular in the United States at the time. In his view, political correctness had good intentions, but later it went to the extreme and went astray, becoming a new kind of suppression of freedom. Such a statement was very brave at the time. It is not easy to criticize political correctness. What a man dares to defend with his own future and destiny must be the thing he holds most dear. George W. Bush dared to do so because he was conservative at heart.

Some people say that American neoconservatism started in 2008. The author believes that American neoconservatism started at least from the time of President George W. Bush and can even go back further. Later we found a change, Obama came to power, surprisingly, the Democratic Party  was able to finally achieve what had escaped them for so many years — health care reform — even known as “Obamacare”.  That became Obama’s most important political achievement. In addition, Obama’s health care reform is anti-conservative in terms of taxation and government intervention in society.  Another important aspect to Obama was promoting cultural pluralism. This was actually a kind of “reaction” to President George W. Bush and shows that the power of neoconservatism was not strong enough to unify the United States, and that the power of cultural pluralism still dominates.

Since Trump took office, there have been some new signs, and these new signs constitute a very important window into American political thought. Presidents Donald Trump and George W. Bush have many similar policies, such as tax cuts. Looking at this, one might say that Trump is conservative. The point is, Trump had many idiosyncratic and unconventional policies during his four years in office.   Surprisingly, American conservatives have approved them.  In my opinion, these deviations are neoconservatism. Strangely enough, many people say Trump is deviant but deny that Trump is neoconservative, which is actually contradictory. It is said that the Republican Party of the United States was going to have a party platform at its convention, and after discussing it, it finally proposed Trumpism as the platform of the Republican Party. Putting aside the final outcome of this matter, this matter alone shows the change in the conservative movement, and the claim that Trump is neoconservative is valid.

Next we look at the values of conservatism. Economically, the Trump administration prefers trade protection, anti-globalization, putting America first, and even “withdrawal” and immigration restrictions. These political and policy ideas became clearer in the Trump era. Prior to this, even Republican presidents did not openly oppose globalization, “backing out” and restricting immigration, and generally traditional conservatism did not do these things. Trump clearly put forward America First, in fact, the basic idea of conservatism continues to turn to the right. Trade protection policies such as the Americans proposed, or to engage in a “trade war”, this is indeed a signal, and is a very strong signal.

The United States has also taken a stance against globalization, Trump has also called for “withdrawal”, this is a position, when one compares it with previous U.S. administrations,  seems incredible. These positions, including America First, are worth reflecting upon. The average American citizen has a strong sense of cosmopolitanism, believing that I am an American citizen but a global citizen as well. And now, the reverse globalization, inspired by Trump, has even become a trend, an assertion that Trump not only helped him achieve the presidency, but also received the highest number of votes of a president defeated for re-election in his second presidential campaign. This really shows that the ideology of Americans is shifting to the right, which is the mass base of neoconservatism.

In politics, conservatism generally advocates elitism and the “establishment” — this is the most classic claim of conservatism. In a democracy, it is said that the people come to vote, but in fact the world is ruled by elites, and elitism is the main characteristic of conservatism. But there is a surprising amount of anti-elitism in Trump’s words and actions. He blames politicians, an act that is also found in traditional American conservatism, but not many blame politicians and oppose elites as Trump has done. This has even become a major reason to identify Trump as a populist. Here, the combination of elitist conservatism and anti-elite populism is truly mind-boggling. One of the main reasons why conservatism is called conservatism is to preserve the current regime and the existing political order, emphasizing that political development should not be radical, but should be a gradual evolution, a reform, rather than a radical revolution. Trump’s theory is surprisingly mixed with a lot of anti-establishment stuff, which constitutes a very interesting phenomenon of neoconservatism.

The most incredible thing is nationalism. During the years 2016-2021, some scholars in the U.S. have put forward a number of nationalist ideas and propositions, which some call neo-nationalism, nothing more than restoring the great tradition of American nationalism.  As we all know, Americans are not very strongly nationalistic and populism is not really very strong, just for a while in between. But now, nationalism is being brought up again and considered a very important rallying cry to revitalize America and has become the basis of American political legitimacy. It is also strange that America First in economic terms is to give priority to American interests, American citizens’ employment, American infrastructure, American social development, and politically to emphasize that American interests must have priority in politics and to emphasize revitalizing the American national spirit and revitalizing America with the national spirit. This is very strange and clashed dramatically with what existed before.

In terms of cultural themes, neoconservatism also makes some claims, emphasizing morality, religion, gender, sexual orientation, race, immigration, and so on. There are some elements that are traditional, such as moral conservatism or moral absolutism, which is typical of conservatism. This is how it has been historically, the American Republican Party, under George W. Bush emphasized the family, including morality, and religion, for example, emphasized the restoration of Christianity, and even a portion of the extreme right wing emphasized fundamentalist Christianity. This is also the case in the United States to this day, where Americans, compared with other Western countries,  have the strongest religious beliefs and a larger percentage of the population is religious. This traditional conservatism has some new claims in the new conditions. For example, religious people with Christian beliefs will explicitly oppose homosexuality and abortion.

In the United States, there is a polarization between those who are pro-abortion and those who are anti-abortion. Beyond that, Americans have developed a politically correct discourse on issues like gender, sexual orientation, and race that is not to be disputed. There are reasons for this political correctness  and certainly some problems that come with it.  But after the rise of neoconservatism,  conservative positions on gender issues, especially sexual orientation, have become very clear: it was clearly opposed. And there was a manifesto issued in which hundreds of religious people explicitly opposed abortion and homosexuality.

The main resistance to the original and growing cultural pluralism was the rise of cultural conservatism. After the rise of cultural conservatism, there was a tendency to want to apply the brakes to the original trend towards greater cultural pluralism, which they believed went too fast and too far, leading to a new authoritarianism, and cultural conservatism is an important element of neoconservatism. Other views, such as racism or the rekindling from its embers of alternative forms of racism still have a great impact on the United States, including on issues surrounding immigration. There are both economic and political reasons for views on immigration, as well as cultural reasons. The United States opposes immigration for economic reasons – immigrants take jobs from native whites – and cultural reasons – immigrants and natives are not a good cultural fit.

There is somehow a pernicious element within neoconservatism that pulls down the moral bottom line when it comes to race. There is a group of people in the United States who believe that there is a difference between races, and the end result of their belief in those differences is their stance for white supremacy. In their view, white people are biologically superior to black people in the sense of intelligence, intellect, morality, and emotion, and this white supremacy leads to racism in terms of national identity. In the view of these neoconservatives, the United States as a nation should be a white nation and be of and for white people for it to be truly meaningful. This view still has a fairly strong impact on American politics.

Conservative values directly influence conservative policies. Between the idea and the policy, which constitutes a process of continuous development and evolution of the ideological system, from idea to policy in the process of implementation. Through policy these ideas have a very direct influence. Let’s look at several consequences of the rise of neoconservatism.

  1. Trade conflict, which is very typical of the U.S.-China trade conflict and is bad for both China and the United States.
  2. Political polarization, the formation of a very serious political polarization in the United States, such as between the two parties, increasingly powerful, the further development of the U.S. government does not look particularly good.
  3. Culture war. Culture wars have a long history in the United States. Cultural pluralism continues to develop, and the United States is more inclined to cultural pluralism; after the rise of neoconservatism, and cultural pluralism and cultural conservatism came to be polar opposites.  This coupled with political polarization and economic trade conflicts, means that neoconservatism has troubling consequences.  We will have to wait and see if the United States will be able to cope with these problems.  
  4. Reverse globalization. After the Second World War, the United States has always been at the forefront of the promotion of globalization and among its greatest beneficiaries. Now, however, the United States wants to pull back from globalization.

To sum up, we can conclude that in the United States, a new change has come to conservatism as it has been transformed into what we call neoconservatism. In addition to continuing to adhere to traditional conservative claims about morality and religion, new features of nationalism, localism, racism, populism, and cultural conservatism have emerged in the conceptualization of neoconservatism. These concepts have been externalized into a number of political and policy claims, such as the promotion of WASP (White Anglo-Saxon Protestant) culture, reverse globalization, and America First claims. The consequences of neoconservatism are trade conflict, political polarization, and culture war, which is the trinity of values, ideas, and propositions of contemporary American neoconservative political thinking.

This article was published in World Politics Research 《世界政治研究》

Published: May 04, 2022


Author Tong Dezhi 佟德志

Tong Dezhi, a native of Chaoyang, Liaoning, graduated from Tianjin Normal University in 2003 with a J.D. degree under the supervision of Mr. Xu Datong.

He is currently the Vice President of Tianjin Normal University. [1]

  Since 2000, Tong Dezhi has presided over and participated in the completion of many national, provincial and ministerial level research and teaching projects. He has led and completed the National Social Science Foundation project “Constitutional Democracy and the Inner Conflict of Western Political Civilization”, the post-grant project of the Ministry of Education “Research on Comparative Political Culture”, the Tianjin Social Science Foundation project “Comparative Study of Western Political Civilization”, the Postdoctoral Research Fund project, the Tianjin Municipal Education Commission Social Science Foundation project, the Tianjin Normal University Talent He has been involved in many projects such as the Postdoctoral Research Fund Project, the Tianjin Municipal Education Commission Social Science Fund Project, and the Tianjin Normal University Talent Promotion Program. In addition to these projects, he has also participated in the National Hundred Excellent Doctoral Dissertations Project, the National Social Science Foundation Major Project, and the Marxist Theory Project and Construction Project. In terms of teaching projects, he has participated in one national quality course, one Tianjin quality course, and one Tianjin Normal University quality course, and hosted the completion of the Tianjin continuing education network course “Theory and Practice of Political Civilization” and the Tianjin Normal University bilingual teaching project.

2 Appointment and dismissal information editor
On January 12, 2018, Tong Dezhi was elected as a member of the 14th Tianjin Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), adopted at the 24th meeting of the Standing Committee of the 13th Tianjin Committee of the CPPCC. [2]

On March 25, 2022, the Tianjin Municipal People’s Government announced that Tong Dezhi was appointed Vice President of Tianjin Normal University. [1]

Research Achievements

  In terms of scientific research achievements, since 2003,Tong Dezhi has published two individual monographs in People’s Publishing House, including Between Democracy and the Rule of Law and The Dilemma and Trend of Modern Western Democracy, and has co-edited two monographs. He has translated 8 translations, including The Democratic Critique of the American Constitution, Constitutionalism and Democracy, and Democracy and its Critics, and published more than 70 papers in journals such as Political Science Research and Chinese Administration. Among them, more than 30 are core journals, 5 are discipline-level journals, and many papers have been reprinted and cited in ISTP, ISSHP, CSSCI, and NPC Press Reprint Materials “Political Science” and “Jurisprudence”.

Teaching

  Tong Dezhi has systematically undertaken the undergraduate and graduate courses of “Principles of Political Science”, “History of Western Political Thought”, “Contemporary Western Political Thought”, etc. He has participated in the preparation of three textbooks. He has also carried out a series of teaching reforms in the course of teaching practice. In terms of teaching materials, he participated in the completion of “Modern Western Political Thought” of the Ministry of Education (MOE), “History of Chinese and Foreign Political Thought” of the MOE’s pilot textbook for talent training reform and open education, and “Public Administration in the 21st Century” of the series of textbooks. I have written three textbooks, including “Public Administration”, totaling more than 200,000 words. I have also carried out multimedia courses, online courses, bilingual courses and other teaching reforms.

Research projects underway

Tong Dezhi
  1 2006-2008, “Constitutional Democracy and the Inner Contradictions of Western Political Civilization”, National Social Science Foundation Project, 70,000, presided over, completed, acceptance process, nomination award of 100 excellent doctoral dissertations of the Ministry of Education, part of the results won the third prize of the Excellent Achievement Award of Humanities and Social Sciences of the Ministry of Education, excellent doctoral dissertation of Tianjin. 06CZZ001.

  2 2008-2009, “Research on Comparative Political Culture”, late funded project of Humanities and Social Sciences, Ministry of Education, 50,000, presided over, in process.

  3 2005-2007, “Constitutional Democracy and the Intrinsic Contradictions of Western Political Civilization”, First-class grant of the Postdoctoral Science Foundation of the Ministry of Personnel, 50,000, presided over, in progress, Outstanding Postdoctoral Fellowship of Peking University.

  4 2005-2007, “The Dualistic Personality of Western Political Civilization”, Academic Innovation Promotion Program of Tianjin Normal University, 30,000 Yuan, presided over, closed.


Awards

Tong Dezhi’s scientific research and teaching achievements have won many national, provincial and ministerial awards. His doctoral dissertation, Conflict and Equilibrium of Democracy and Rule of Law – The Evolution of Modern Western Political Civilization and Its Structure, was nominated for the 2005 National 100 Outstanding Doctoral Dissertations and the 2005 Tianjin Outstanding Doctoral Dissertation. The applicant also won the Third Prize of Outstanding Achievements in Humanities and Social Sciences in Chinese Universities in 2006 and the Third Prize of Outstanding Achievements in Social Sciences in the Eighth Session of Tianjin Municipality in 2002. As a participant, he also won the Second Prize of Excellent Achievements in Social Sciences in Tianjin once and the Third Prize once. In terms of teaching, I was awarded the third prize in the “Basic Teaching Skills Competition for Young Teachers” for the lesson “Western Political Culture Tradition” taught in English, and the lesson “Modern Western Political Thought” was awarded the third prize in the Tianjin Young Teachers’ Basic Skills Competition. I won the second prize in the Tianjin Young Teachers’ Basic Skills Competition. In addition, I also won awards for multimedia courseware production and course information construction.

Academic work of Tong Dezhi
  1. “Analysis of Information Processes in E-Government” (completed separately), the second prize in the paper category of the Tianjin Administrative Society’s Administrative Paper Competition (2001), which won the third prize of the Eighth Tianjin Social Science Excellent Achievement Award. (2002)

  2. “Conflict and Equilibrium of Democracy and Rule of Law – Evolution and Structure of Modern Western Political Civilization”, Outstanding Doctoral Dissertation of Tianjin; Nominated for one of the 100 Outstanding Doctoral Dissertations in China.

  3. Conflict and Equilibrium of Democracy and Rule of Law – The Evolution of Modern Western Political Civilization, Third Prize of the Fourth Outstanding Social Science Achievement Award of Chinese Universities

  4. History of Western Political Thought (Volume III), Second Prize of the Tenth Tianjin Outstanding Achievements in Social Science.

  5. Contemporary Western Liberalism, China Social Science Press, 2005 Edition, Third Prize of the Tenth Tianjin Outstanding Achievements in Social Science.

  6. Excellent Postdoctoral Fellowship, Peking University, 2008.

Tong Dezhi Publications

Tong Dezhi
  Modern Western Political Thought, People’s Publishing House, 2003 edition, co-editor, about 40,000 words.

  The History of Chinese and Foreign Political Thought, Central Radio and Television University Press, 2004 edition, co-editor, about 100,000 words.

  Contemporary Western Liberalism, Beijing: China Social Science Press, 2004 edition, co-editor, about 100,000 words.

  History of Western Political Thought (Volume III), 70,000 words, Tianjin People’s Publishing House, 2005 edition

  History of Western Political Thought (Vol. IV), 100,000 words, Tianjin People’s Publishing House, 2005.

  Public Administration, co-editor, 40,000 words, Tianjin University Press, 2005 edition.

  Between Democracy and Rule of Law – The Inner Contradictions of Western Political Civilization, People’s Publishing House, 2006.

  The Dilemma of Modern Western Democracy and Its Way Out”, People’s Publishing House, 2008.

  Introduction to Comparative Political Culture-Theoretical Reflections on Democratic Diversity, Higher Education Publishing House, 2010 edition.

8 Some of the translated works edited by
Tong Dezhi
Tong Dezhi
  Le Bon: The Psychology of Revolution, Changchun: Jilin People’s Publishing House, 2004 ed. (Co-translated by two persons, first translator, 130,000 words.)

  Ortega: The Rebellion of the Masses, Changchun: Jilin People’s Publishing House, 2004 edition. (Co-translated by two persons, second translator, 100,000 words.)

  Galston: Liberal Pluralism, Nanjing: Jiangsu People’s Publishing House, 2005 edition (two-person translation, first translator, 100,000 words)

  Dahl, Democracy and Its Critics, Changchun: Jilin People’s Publishing House, 2006 edition. 100,000 words, co-translator.

  Dahl, A Democratic Critique of American Constitutionalism, Beijing: Oriental Publishing House, 2007 edition. 150,000 words, sole translator.

  Compiled and translated: Constitutionalism and Democracy, Jiangsu People’s Publishing House, 2007 edition. 200,000 words.

9Thesis Catalogue Editor
2005
Tong Dezhi
Tong Dezhi
  1. “From “Management” to “Governance”: The Positioning of Government Functions in the Information Age”, Shanxi Normal University Journal, No. 1, 2005. New Thought, NPC Reprographic Materials, No. 3, 2005.

  2. “Rule of Law and Democracy”, Literature, History and Philosophy, No. 2, 2005.

  3. “Old and New Individualism,” Journal of Suzhou Institute of Science and Technology, No. 4, 2004. NPC Press Reprint, Political Science, No. 2.

  4. “Old and New Liberalism – Dewey and the Theoretical Transformation of Liberalism”, Zhejiang Journal, No. 5, 2005.

  5. “Democratic Failure and Rule of Law Regulation – A Brief Analysis of the Structural Logic of Western Constitutional Democratic Theory,” Jianghan Forum, No. 5, 2005.

  6. “Rousseau’s Proposition and the Logical Dilemma of Western Constitutional Democratic Theory,” Political Science Research, No. 2, 2005.

  7. “The Inner Dilemma and Outer Embarrassment of Western Universalism”, Studies in Political Science, No. 3, 2005.

  8. “An Overview of Political Science Research in Tianjin”, Tianjin Social Science Yearbook, Tianjin People’s Publishing House, 2005.

  9. Between Political Democracy and Economic Democracy, Essays on Chinese and Western Political Culture, Tianjin People’s Publishing House, 2005.

  10. “Rethinking the State”, A Series of Chinese and Western Political Culture, Tianjin People’s Publishing House, 2005.

2006
  11. “The American model of power-limited constitution and its democratic dilemma,” Battle Line of Ideas, No. 3, 2006.

  12. “Liberal Pluralism,” Zhejiang Journal, No. 3, 2006.

  13. “The Reconciliation and Co-Tolerance of Constitutionalism and Democracy,” Shanxi Teachers’ University Journal, No. 4, 2006.

  14. “E-Government and Comprehensive Innovation of Government Management,” E-Government, No. 8, 2006. The paper won the second prize of the essay of the first China E-government Development Forum.

  15. “Political Cognition of College Students and the Mode Choice of Political Education”, Teaching Reform and Innovation, Tianjin Academy of Social Sciences Press, 2005.

  16. “Cultural Globalization and International Political Socialization”, Journal of the Tianjin Party School of the CPC, No. 2, 2006.

  17. “Rethinking the State,” Chinese and Western Political Culture Series, 2006, Tianjin People’s Publishing House.

  18. “Between Political Democracy and Economic Democracy,” Chinese and Western Political Culture Series, 2006, Tianjin People’s Publishing House.

  19. “Critique and Reconstruction of Democratic Theory,” in Dahl, Democracy and its Critics, Jilin People’s Publishing House, 2006.

  20. “Review of the Beijing Consensus Conference,” in Yu Keping, ed.

2007
  21. “Is it Individualism, or Individual Independence? In Journal of Suzhou Institute of Science and Technology, No. 3, 2007. 22.

  22. “Cultural Identity in the Context of Globalization,” People’s Forum, No. 12, 2007.

  23. “Chinese Democracy with Mixed Reviews Overseas”, People’s Forum, No. 10, 2007.

  24. “Constitutional Democracy and the Dualistic Individuality of American Political Civilization,” in Tong Dezhi, ed.

  25. “Democratic Failure and Rule of Law Regulation: The Inner Logic of Western Constitutional Democratic Theory,” in Tong Dezhi, ed.

  26. “The Basic Structure of Dewey’s Neoliberal Political Philosophy”, in Tianjin Shi University Journal of Social Sciences, No. 3, 2007.

  27. “Rule of Law and Democracy: A Discussion on the Direction of Political System Reform in Recent Years in Chinese Academia,” Theory and Reform, No. 3, 2007.

  28. Innovation Effect of Electronic Government, Proceedings of 2007 International Conference on Public Administration (3rd), UESTC Press, 2007.

  29. “Two Dimensions of China’s Democratization Model,” Theory and Reform, No. 5, 2007.

  30. “A Brief Discussion on the Relationship between Intra-party Democracy and People’s Democracy”, Scientific Development – People-oriented – Building Harmony, Tianjin: Tianjin People’s Publishing House, 2007.

  31. “An Overview of Political Science Research”, Tianjin Social Science Yearbook, 2007 ed.

  32. “The Contemporary Possibilities of Marx’s Theory of the State”, in Essays on Chinese and Western Political Culture, 2007, Tianjin People’s Publishing House.

  33. “The Ecological Interpretation of Political Phenomena”, in A Series of Chinese and Western Political Culture, 2007, Tianjin People’s Publishing House.

2008
  34. “The Compound Institutionalization of Rights and its Inner Tension”, in Tianjin Social Science, No. 2, 2008.

  35. “The Critique of Athenian Democracy by Traditional Political Philosophy”, Front of Thought, No. 2, 2008.

  36. “The Tyranny of Democracy,” Zhejiang Journal, No. 3, 2008.

  37. “The Synergy Effect of China’s Democratic Political Development from the Perspective of Party Democracy and Villager Autonomy”, Political Science Research, No. 4, 2008.

  38. “The Construction of Service-oriented Government Based on E-Government: Model and Integration,” Chinese Administration, No. 9, 2008.

  39. “Assessment of the Political Culture of Farmers in Less Developed Western Regions: A Study of Xinhe Village in Shandan County, Gansu Province as a Case Study”, Journal of Gansu Administrative College, No. 4, 2008.

  40. “Between Constitutionalism and Democracy: An Analysis of the Dualistic Individuality of American Constitutionalism from the 2000 Election,” Journal of the Academy of Sciences, No. 9, 2008.

References.
1 .
Tianjin appointed and dismissed a number of cadres sweep code to read the mobile version

Beifang.com [cited 2022-04-23]
2 .
CPPCC Tianjin 14th Committee members list announced, a total of 695 people

Surfing News 2018-01-22 [cited 2018-01-22] 澎湃新闻 2018-01-22 [引用日期2018-01-22]


佟德志:美国新保守主义的兴起及其政治影响
作者:佟德志 来源:国政学人
编者按

长期以来,国际关系学和比较政治学都忽视政治思潮的重要性。在“百年未有之大变局”下,对政治思潮的深入研究不仅便于我们理解国内外政治的同频共振,还便于我们理解世界政治的深层结构。政治思潮给我们的学术研究提出了诸多尚待回答的重要研究问题。为此,《世界政治研究》编辑部约请朱云汉、佟德志、白彤东、王存刚、张文宗、郇庆治、高春芽、梁雪村等8位学者,就如下四个基本问题进行讨论:(1)百年变局下的世界政治思潮;(2)传统政治思潮与世界政治变迁;(3)现代政治思潮与世界政治变迁;(4)新兴政治思潮与世界政治变迁。我们期待通过这组稿件激发学界对政治思潮与世界政治变迁关联性的深入思考。本次圆桌选自《世界政治研究》2022年第1辑,按照原刊排版顺序分多次推送。

佟德志:天津师范大学政治与行政学院教授,北京大学国家治理研究院研究员

2016年,特朗普的当选让很多学者对美国政治有了新的看法。且不说特朗普从一个政治素人成为总统让人惊愕,单就从奥巴马向特朗普的过渡就让人大跌眼镜。综合后来特朗普上台后的一系列令人瞠目结舌的政治和政策主张,我们确实可以这样讲,美国兴起了一种新保守主义。

新保守主义是什么?到底包含哪些内容?基本观点、政治主张是什么?对这些问题的思考已经进入对新保守主义认识的实质性层面。但这里先要搞清楚一个基础性的问题,即美国到底是否出现了新保守主义?笔者觉得,对这一问题,要持开放态度。有些学者忌惮谈“新”,认为新保守主义的“新”是不成立的,和老保守主义没什么区别。甚至有学者认为,“新”就是哗众取宠。笔者倒是对此持开放态度。如果确实有不一样的,我们就可以谈一谈“新”。

保守主义在美国意识形态当中,是一级概念,是完整的意识形态。也就是说,像自由主义一样,保守主义可以将其他意识形态的一些内容容纳进来。比如,民族主义、民粹主义等意识形态。从这个角度看,美国新保守主义的“新”就体现出来了。比如,民族主义这种美国最不受待见的意识形态开始流行起来,这就是一种新。尤其是,民粹主义这样的政治思潮在美国竟然蔚然成风,尤其值得我们注意。这就是保守主义在思想方面的新。

一个思潮一定会有成体系的观念。这种成体系的观念不仅仅是纸上谈兵,书斋里的思想操练,它还一定要在政治实践中产生实际影响,这个才叫思潮。如果没有影响只能叫思想,不能叫作思潮。保守主义不仅有成体系性的观念,还有一系列政治和政策的主张,比如贸易战、反全球化,等等。它产生了一系列对美国政治非常深刻的影响,比如美国的政治极化,包括文化战争、经济领域的贸易冲突。实际上,这些影响,也是有很多新意的。

从现实政治影响上看,至少有一点可以确定,特朗普作为新保守主义的典型代表并当选总统,就说明了新保守主义的兴起。特朗普上台,包括英国“脱欧”,这些都是世界范围内新保守主义的特点。特朗普的保守主义有很多让我们觉得诡异的地方,比如特朗普作为保守主义共和党候选人上台以后,很多西方学者认为他是一个民粹主义者,这就很奇怪——保守主义和民粹主义两者之间是很难融合在一起的,但是在特朗普身上却不违和。当然这里还有一些争论,笔者一直认为特朗普具有浓厚的民粹主义色彩,但中国政法大学的丛日云教授并不承认特朗普是民粹主义者,认为他是保守主义者。笔者认为,特朗普既有民粹主义的主张,也有保守主义的特点。这种杂交产生了一个新品种——新保守主义,也有人称之为“特朗普主义”。但如果归类的话,这个应该属于新保守主义的内容。一般认为,保守主义与民粹主义这两个看起来似乎是不共戴天。但“特朗普主义”神奇地将这两种意识形态捏在一起,给保守主义带来了新色彩。

首先,我们来梳理一下保守主义思潮的思想源流和新保守主义的发展脉络。保守主义是很重要的一个政治思潮。当代西方政治思潮有三个———自由主义、保守主义和民主社会主义。保守主义历史悠久,而且是整合型的,不仅有政治主张、政策主张,而且,这些主张有着明确的思想体系作为基础,保持了连贯性和完整性。第二次世界大战后,保守主义甚至跟自由主义有一些交叠,比如新古典自由主义(neo-liberalism),在思想领域,以哈耶克、诺齐克等人为代表;在政治领域,以里根、撒切尔夫人等人为代表。有人认为这是新保守主义,有人认为是新自由主义,笔者认为,这实际上就是保守主义。

对于保守主义,有一些经典的判断,比如减税。小布什时期,即任便减税,特朗普也是要减税,这个肯定是保守主义最典型的特点,而且是最经典的,如果不减税,我们就会怀疑这是不是保守主义。除此之外,还有一些特点,比如对道德、宗教的推崇等。保守主义自产生那天起就这样,传统就是这样。小布什上台时,甚至有一些发言,对美国当时流行的“政治正确”进行了一番批驳。在他看来,政治正确的初衷是好的,但后来的政治正确走向极端,误入歧途,成了对自由的一种新的压制。这种说法在当时是非常勇敢的。敢向政治正确提出批评,这个很不容易。一个人敢用自己的前途和命运来捍卫的东西,一定是他最珍视的东西。小布什敢这样做,就是因为他在骨子里就是保守主义的。

有人说美国的新保守主义是从2008年开始的。笔者认为美国的新保守主义至少从小布什时期就开始了,甚至还可以再往前追溯。后来我们发现一个变化就是,奥巴马上台,竟然把民主党推行多年未果的医疗改革做下去了,甚至被称为“奥巴马医改”,成为奥巴马最重要的政绩。除此之外,奥巴马的医改从税收、政府对社会干预方面来讲是反保守主义的,尤其比较突出的是奥巴马的文化多元主义。这实际上是对小布什的一种“反动”,说明当时新保守主义的力量还并没有强大到一统美国,或者说,文化多元主义的力量仍然占据主要地位。

特朗普上台后,有一些新的迹象,这些新的迹象构成了我们观察美国政治思潮一个很重要的窗口。特朗普和小布什有很多政策是一致的,比如减税。这个可以判断,特朗普是保守主义。关键是,特朗普在任的四年,有很多离经叛道的政策,竟然得到了美国保守派的认可。在笔者看来,这些离经叛道就是新保守主义。奇怪的是,很多人说特朗普离经叛道,但又否认特朗普是新保守主义,这实际上是自相矛盾的。据说美国共和党在开大会时要搞一个党纲,商量来商量去,最后提出要以特朗普主义为共和党的党纲,抛开这件事最后的结果不议,单就这件事情,就说明了保守主义的转向,新保守主义的说法是成立的。

接下来我们来看保守主义的价值理念。经济上,特朗普政府更倾向于贸易保护、反全球化、提出美国优先,甚至是“退群”,限制移民。这些政治和政策主张在特朗普时期是比较清楚的。在此之前,即便是共和党的总统,也不会公开地反对全球化、“退群”、限制移民,一般传统的保守主义是不做的。特朗普明确地提出美国优先,实际上是在保守主义的基本主张上继续向右转。贸易保护这种政策美国人提出来,或者要搞“贸易战”,这个确实是一个信号,而且是非常强的信号。美国也反全球化,特朗普也“退群”,这个在之前的美国政府看来是不可思议的。这值得我们反思,比如美国优先。一般美国普通公民都有很强烈的世界主义,认为我是美国公民,也是全球公民。而现在,在特朗普鼓舞下形成的逆全球化,甚至成为一种趋势,特朗普这种主张不仅帮助他取得总统的职位,并且在第二次总统竞选当中获得了败选总统中最高的选票。这确实说明美国人的意识形态在右转,这就是新保守主义的群众基础。

在政治上,保守主义一般都是主张精英主义、建制主义,这是保守主义最经典的主张。在民主制度当中,说是民众来投票,事实上这个世界是由精英来统治的,精英主义是保守主义的主要特点。但特朗普的言行中竟然有大量反精英的内容。他指责政客们,这种行为在美国传统保守主义那里也有,但像特朗普这样指责政客、反对精英,却并不多,这甚至成为指认特朗普是民粹主义的一个主要理由。在这里,精英主义的保守主义与反精英的民粹主义结合在一起,确实令人匪夷所思。保守主义之所以叫保守主义,其中主要原因之一就是维护现政权和现有政治秩序,强调政治发展不应该激进,应该是渐进式的演进、改革,而不是激烈革命。特朗普理论里竟然掺杂了大量反建制的东西,这也构成了新保守主义很有意思的现象。

最不可思议的是民族主义。2016-2021年,美国一些学者提出了一批民族主义的思想和主张,有人称为新民族主义,不外乎是恢复美国民族主义的伟大传统,等等。我们大家都知道,美国人是最不喜欢民族主义的,民粹主义其实也不是很强,只是中间有一段时间如此。但现在,民族主义又被提出来,并且认为是振兴美国很重要的一个号召,是美国政治合法性的基础。美国优先在经济上就是优先强调美国利益、美国公民就业、美国基础设施、美国社会发展,政治上强调美国在政治上具有优先性,强调振兴美利坚民族精神,用民族精神振兴美国,这个也是很奇怪的。我们说它是新的,与原来旧的地方有些冲突。

在文化主题上,新保守主义也提出了一些主张,强调道德、宗教、性别、性取向、种族、移民,等等。有一些内容是传统的,比如道德保守主义或者道德绝对主义,这是保守主义的典型特点。历史上就是这样,美国共和党,小布什的时候,强调家庭,包括道德,比如宗教,强调恢复基督教,甚至有一部分极端的右翼强调基督教的原教旨主义。美国到现在也是这样,在西方国家当中,美国人的宗教信仰是最强烈的,信教人口比例也比较大。这些传统的保守主义在新的条件下有一些新的主张。比如,有基督教信仰的宗教人士会明确反对同性恋、堕胎。在美国,支持堕胎和反对堕胎的人势不两立,这是一种极化。除此之外,美国人在性别、性取向、种族这些问题上,已经形成了政治正确的话语体系,是不能触碰的。政治正确有它的道理,当然也有它的问题。但新保守主义兴起以后,对性别问题,尤其是性取向问题立场非常清楚,就是明确反对。而且还发布了一个宣言,几百名宗教人士在宣言里明确地反对堕胎和同性恋。原来愈演愈烈的文化多元主义受阻,主要的阻力就来自于文化保守主义的兴起。文化保守主义兴起之后,对原来的文化多元主义是有抑制的,他们认为文化多元主义走得太快、太远,导致新的专制,文化保守主义是新保守主义的重要内容。其他的一些主张,比如,种族主义,尤其另类种族主义的死灰复燃,对美国还是有很大影响的,包括移民。移民既有经济原因也有政治原因,同时有文化原因,美国反对移民有经济原因———移民抢了本土白人的工作,还有文化原因———移民和原住民在文化上不是很契合。

在种族问题上,新保守主义中有一些劣质的东西,拉低了道德底线。美国有一批人,他们认为种族之间存在差异,这种差异最终结果就是白人至上。在他们看来,生物学意义上,白人在智力、智商、道德、情感方面都要比黑人优秀,这种白人至上会导致在国家认同方面形成种族主义。在这些新保守主义者看来,美国这个国家应该是白人国家,认同白人,这个国家才是真正有意义的国家。这对美国政治影响还是比较大的。

保守主义的观念直接影响了保守主义的政策。在观念和政策之间,构成了意识形态的体系不断发展演变的过程,观念在执行过程中就是政策,政策就有非常直接的影响。我们来看新保守主义兴起的几个后果。第一是贸易冲突,中美贸易冲突是非常典型的,对中美都不好。第二是政治极化,美国国内形成一个非常严重的政治极化,比如两党之间势不两立,越来越厉害,对美国政府的进一步发展并不是特别好。第三是文化战争。文化战争在美国由来已久。文化多元主义不断发展,美国更偏向文化多元主义;新保守主义兴起以后,又把文化多元主义和文化保守主义向两端撕裂,加上政治极化和经济上的贸易冲突,导致新保守主义的后果还是挺麻烦的,美国能否承受得住,进一步发展中怎么解决这个问题,我们继续观望。第四是逆全球化。第二次世界大战以后,美国一直是推崇全球化的,也是在全球化中受益最大的国家。但现在美国却要把全球化拉回来。

综上所述,我们可以得出一个结论,那就是在美国,保守主义出现了一种新变化,我们称之为新保守主义。新保守主义在观念上除了继续坚守传统保守主义对道德、宗教的主张外,还出现了民族主义、地方主义、种族主义、民粹主义、文化保守主义等新的特征。这些观念外化为一些政治和政策上主张,比如,对WASP(白人盎格鲁-撒克逊新教徒)文化的推崇、逆全球化、美国优先等主张。新保守主义的后果就是贸易冲突、政治极化、文化战争,这就是当代美国新保守主义政治思潮的价值、观念和主张的三位一体。

文章来源于《世界政治研究》

发布时间:2022年05月04日 来源时间:2022年05月04日


佟德志,辽宁朝阳人。2003年毕业于天津师范大学,师从徐大同先生,获法学博士学位

现任天津师范大学副校长。[1]

佟德志  2000年以来,主持和参与完成多项国家、省部级科研及教学项目。先后主持完成国家社科基金项目《宪政民主与西方政治文明的内在冲突》、教育部后期资助项目《比较政治文化研究》、天津市社科基金项目“西方政治文明比较研究”以及博士后科研基金项目、天津市教委社科基金项目、天津师范大学人才推进计划项目等多项。除此而外,还参与全国百篇优秀博士学位论文项目、国家社科基金重大项目、马克思主义理论工程与建设工程项目等重要项目。在教学项目方面,先后参加完成国家级精品课一项、天津市精品课一项、天津师范大学精品课一项,主持完成天津市继续教育网络课程《政治文明的理论与实践》项目以及天津师范大学双语教学项目。

2任免信息

编辑

2018年1月12日,政协天津市第十三届委员会常务委员会第二十四次会议通过,佟德志当选政协天津市第十四届委员会委员。[2]

2022年3月25日,天津市人民政府宣布:佟德志任天津师范大学副校长。[1]

3科研成果

编辑

佟德志  在科研成果方面,自2003年以来,在人民出版社出版《在民主与法治之间》、《现代西方民主的困境与趋势》等个人专著2部,参编专著2部。翻译《美国宪法的民主批判》、《宪政与民主》、《民主及其批评者》等译作8部,在《政治学研究》、《中国行政管理》等杂志发表论文70多篇。其中,核心期刊30多篇,学科级刊物5篇,多篇论文为ISTP、ISSHP、CSSCI以及人大报刊复印资料《政治学》、《法理学》等刊物转载和转引。

4教学方面

编辑

佟德志  在教学方面,系统承担了“政治学原理”、“西方政治思想史”、“当代西方政治思潮”等本科及研究生课程,参加完成编写教材3部,并在教学实践过程中进行了系列教学改革。在教材方面,参与完成教育部“面向21世纪课程教材”《现代西方政治思想》、“教育部人才培养改革和开放教育试点教材”《中外政治思想史》、21世纪公共行政学系列教材《公共行政学》等三部教材,总计20多万字。本人还进行过多媒体课程、网络课程、双语课程等教学改革。

5在研项目

编辑

佟德志  1 2006-2008,《宪政民主与西方政治文明的内在矛盾》,国家社会科学基金项目,7万,主持,已经完成,验收过程中,教育部百篇优秀博士论文提名奖,部分成果获教育部人文社会科学优秀成果奖三等奖,天津市优秀博士学位论文。06CZZ001。

  2 2008-2009,《比较政治文化研究》,教育部人文社会科学后期资助项目,5万,主持,正在进行过程中。

  3 2005-2007,《宪政民主与西方政治文明的内在矛盾》,人事部博士后科学基金一等资助,5万,主持,已经结项,北京大学优秀博士后。

  4 2005-2007,《西方政治文明的二元个性》,天津师范大学学术创新推进计划,3万元,主持,结项。

6获得奖励

编辑

社会

佟德志  科研和教学成果多次获得国家、省部级奖励。博士论文《民主与法治的冲突与均衡——近代西方政治文明的演进及其结构》获2005年全国百篇优秀博士学位论文提名,2005年天津市优秀博士学位论文。申请人还于2006年获中国高校人文社会科学优秀成果三等奖,2002年获天津市第八届社会科学优秀成果三等奖。作为参加人,还获得过天津市社会科学优秀成果二等奖一次,三等奖一次。在教学方面,本人以英语讲授的“西方政治文化传统”一课被评为“青年教师教学基本功大赛”三等奖,“现代西方政治思想”一课获天津市青年教师基本功竞赛二等奖。另外,本人还获得多媒体课件制作、课程信息化建设等奖项。

学术

佟德志  1.《电子政府的信息过程分析》(单独完成),天津市行政学会行政学论文评选论文类二等奖(2001),该文获得天津市第八届社会科学优秀成果奖三等奖。(2002)

  2.《民主与法治的冲突与均衡—现代西方政治文明的演进与结构》,天津市优秀博士学位论文;全国百篇优秀博士学位论文提名。

  3.《民主与法治的冲突与均衡—现代西方政治文明的演进》,第四届中国高校优秀社会科学成果奖三等奖

  4.《西方政治思想史》(第三卷),天津第十届社会科学优秀成果二等奖。

  5.《当代西方自由主义》,中国社会科学出版社,2005年版,天津第十届社会科学优秀成果三等奖。

  6.北京大学优秀博士后,2008年。

7发表著作

编辑

佟德志  《现代西方政治思想》,人民出版社,2003年版,参编,约4万字;

  《中外政治思想史》,中央广播电视大学出版社,2004年版,参编,约10万字。

  《当代西方自由主义》,北京:中国社会科学出版社,2004年版,合著,约10万字。

  《西方政治思想史》(第三卷),7万字,天津人民出版社,2005年版

  《西方政治思想史》(第四卷),10万字,天津人民出版社,2005年版。

  《公共行政学》,参编4万字,天津大学出版社,2005年版。

  《在民主与法治之间—西方政治文明的内在矛盾》,人民出版社,2006年版。

  《现代西方民主的困境及其出路》,人民出版社,2008年版。

  《比较政治文化导论——民主多样性的理论思考》,高等教育出版社,2010版。

8部分译著

编辑

佟德志  勒庞:《革命心理学》,长春:吉林人民出版社,2004年版。(二人合译,第一译者,13万字。)

  奥尔特加:《大众的反叛》,长春:吉林人民出版社,2004年版。(二人合译,第二译者,10万字。)

  高尔斯顿:《自由多元主义》,南京:江苏人民出版社,2005年版(二人合译,第一译者,10万字)

  达尔:《民主及其批评者》,长春:吉林人民出版社,2006年版。10万字,合译。

  达尔《美国宪政的民主批判》,北京:东方出版社,2007年版。15万字,独译。

  编译:《宪政与民主》,江苏人民出版社,2007年版,20万字。

9论文目录

编辑

2005年

佟德志  1. 《从“管理”到“治理”——面向信息时代的政府职能定位》,《山西师大学报》,2005年第1期。被人大复印资料《新思路》2005年第3期摘编;

  2. 《法治民主》,《文史哲》,2005年第2期;

  3. 《新旧个人主义》,《苏州科技学院学报》,2004年第4期。人大报刊复印资料,《政治学》,第2期;

  4. 《新旧自由主义—杜威与自由主义的理论转型》,《浙江学刊》,2005年第5期。

  5. 《民主失败与法治规制——西方宪政民主理论的结构逻辑简析》,《江汉论坛》,2005年第5期。

  6. 《卢梭命题与西方宪政民主理论的逻辑困境》,《政治学研究》,2005年第2期。

  7. 《西方普遍主义的内在困境与外在尴尬》,《政治学研究》,2005年第3期。

  8. 《天津市政治学研究综述》,《天津社会科学年鉴》,天津人民出版社,2005年版。

  9. 《政治民主与经济民主之间》,《中西政治文化论丛》,天津人民出版社,2005年版。

  10. 《重新思考国家》,《中西政治文化论丛》,天津人民出版社,2005年版。

2006年

  11. 《美国的限权宪法模式及其民主性困境》,《思想战线》,2006年第3期。

  12. 《自由多元主义》,《浙江学刊》,2006年第3期。

  13. 《宪政与民主的调和与共容》,《山西师大学报》,2006年第4期。

  14. 《电子政务与政府管理的综合创新》,《电子政务》,2006年第8期。该文获首届中国电子政务发展论坛征文二等奖。

  15. 《大学生政治认知与政治教育的模式选择》,《教学改革与创新》,天津社会科学院出版社,2005年版。

  16. 《文化全球化与国际政治社会化》,《中共天津市委党校学报》,2006年第2期。

  17. 《重新思考国家》,《中西政治文化论丛》,2006年,天津人民出版社。

  18. 《政治民主与经济民主之间》,《中西政治文化论丛》,2006年,天津人民出版社。

  19. 《民主理论的批判与重建》,载达尔:《民主及其批评者》,吉林人民出版社,2006年版。

  20. 《北京共识会议的评论》,载俞可平等主编:《中国模式与“北京共识”》,社会科学文献出版社,2006年版。

2007年

  21. 《是个人主义,还是个体独立?》,载《苏州科技学院学报》,2007年第3期。

  22. 《全球化背景下的文化认同》,人民论坛,2007年第12期。

  23. 《海外褒贬不一的中国式民主》,人民论坛,2007年第10期。

  24. 《宪政民主与美国政治文明的二元个性》,载佟德志主编:《宪政与民主》,江苏人民出版社,2007年版。

  25. 《民主失败与法治规制—西方宪政民主理论的内在逻辑》,载佟德志主编:《宪政与民主》,江苏人民出版社,2007年版。

  26. 《杜威新自由主义政治哲学的基本架构》,《天津师大学报社会科学版》,2007年第3期。

  27. 《法治民主—近年来中国学术界关于政治体制改革方向的探讨》,载《理论与改革》,2007年第3期。

  28. Innovation Effect of Electronic Government, Proceedings of 2007 International Conference on Public Administration (3rd), UESTC Press, 2007.

  29. 《中国民主化模式的两个维度》,《理论与改革》,2007年第5期。

  30. 《略论党内民主与人民民主的关系》,《科学发展·以人为本·共建和谐》,天津:天津人民出版社,2007年版。

  31. 《政治学研究综述》,《天津社会科学年鉴》,2007年版。

  32. 《马克思国家理论的当代可能性》,载《中西政治文化论丛》,2007年,天津人民出版社。

  33. 《政治现象的生态解读》,载《中西政治文化论丛》,2007年,天津人民出版社。

2008年

  34. 《权利的复合制度化及其内在紧张》,载《天津社会科学》,2008年第2期;

  35. 《传统政治哲学对雅典民主的批判》,《思想战线》,2008年第2期;

  36. 《民主的暴政》,《浙江学刊》,2008年第3期。

  37. 《从党内民主和村民自治看中国民主政治发展的合力效应》,《政治学研究》,2008年第4期;

  38. 《基于电子政务的服务型政府建设:模式与整合》,《中国行政管理》,2008年第9期。

  39. 《西部欠发达地区农民的政治文化评估——以甘肃省山丹县新河村为个案的研究》,《甘肃行政学院学报》,2008年第4期。

  40. 《在宪政与民主之间——从2000年大选透析美国宪政的二元个性》,《学海》,2008年第9期。

参考资料:

1 .

天津任免一批干部扫码阅读手机版

北方网 [引用日期2022-04-23]

2 .

政协天津市第十四届委员会委员名单公布,共695人

澎湃新闻 2018-01-22 [引用日期2018-01-22]

About 高大伟 David Cowhig

After retirement translated, with wife Jessie, Liao Yiwu's 2019 "Bullets and Opium", and have been studying things 格物致知. Worked 25 years as a US State Department Foreign Service Officer including ten years at US Embassy Beijing and US Consulate General Chengdu and four years as a China Analyst in the Bureau of Intelligence and Research. Before State I translated Japanese and Chinese scientific and technical books and articles into English freelance for six years. Before that I taught English at Tunghai University in Taiwan for three years. And before that I worked two summers on Norwegian farms, milking cows and feeding chickens.
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