2022: Tong Dezhi: The Rise of American Neoconservatism and Its Political Impact

Chinese political scientist Tong Dezhi’s perspective on US politics that I found among the many intriguing articles collected on the Chinese language side of the US-China Perspectives Monitor 中美印象 website, a project of the Carter Center.

Other translations on my translation blog relating to Chinese perspectives on the United States and US-China relations include:

Tong Dezhi: The Rise of American Neoconservatism and Its Political Impact


by Tong Dezhi 佟德志

Source:国政学人 [National Political Scientist] 

Editor’s Note:

For a long time, international relations and comparative politics have ignored the importance of political trends. Under the [Translator’s Note: General Secretary Xi’s well-known phrase] “changes on a scale unprecedented for a century”, an in-depth study of political trends not only facilitates our understanding of the resonance of domestic and foreign politics, but also the deep structure of world politics. Political trends have raised many important research questions for our academic research that have yet to be answered. For this reason, the editorial board of World Politics Research invited eight scholars, including Zhu Yunhan, Tong Dezhi, Bai Tongdong, Wang Cunang, Zhang Wenzong, Yuan Qingzhi, Gao Chunya, and Liang Xuecun, to discuss the following four basic questions: (1) world political trends as the world “changes on a scale unprecedented for a century”; (2) traditional political trends and world political changes; (3) modern political trends and world political changes; and (4) emerging political trends and world political changes. We hope that this set of contributions will stimulate the academic community to think deeply about the relevance of political trends and world political changes. This roundtable discussion was selected from World Politics Studies, 2022, No. 1 series, and will be promoted in multiple installments in the order of the original publication layout.

Tong Dezhi: Professor, School of Politics and Administration, Tianjin Normal University; Researcher, Institute of National Governance, Peking University. A translation of his CV is appended to this article.

In 2016, Donald Trump’s election gave many scholars a new perspective on American politics. There was the shock of Trump becoming president as a political novice: the transition from Barack Obama to Donald Trump alone was a big shock. Synthesizing the mind-boggling array of political and policy ideas that Trump has espoused since taking office, we can indeed say that a kind of neoconservatism has emerged in the United States.

What is neoconservatism? What exactly does it consist of? What are the basic views and political ideas? Thinking about these questions has moved to the substantive level of understanding neoconservatism. But first, it is necessary to clarify a fundamental question, namely, has neoconservatism emerged in the United States or not? The author feels that it is important to keep an open mind on this question. Some scholars are afraid to talk about the “neo” and believe that the “neo” in neoconservatism is not valid and is no different from the old conservatism. Some scholars even think that “neo” is just claptrap. I am open-minded about this. If there is indeed something different, we can talk about the “new”.

Conservatism is an important perspective in American ideology, a complete ideological system. That is, like liberalism, conservatism can incorporate elements from other ideologies. For example, ideologies such as nationalism and populism. From this point of view, the “neo” aspects of American neoconservatism is manifested. For example, nationalism, one of the least popular ideologies in the United States, has become popular, and this is a new one. In particular, it is noteworthy that a political trend like populism has become popular in the United States. This is the newness of this brand of conservatism in terms of ideology.

A trend of thought must have a system of ideas. This system of ideas is not only on paper, it can’t just be all theoretical talk.  It must also have a practical impact in political practice, this is what forms a trend. If there were no actual influences, only some called ideas, it could not be called a trend of thought. Conservatism has not only systematic ideas, but also a series of political and policy ideas, such as trade war, anti-globalization, and so on. It has had a series of very profound effects on American politics, such as the political polarization of the United States, including culture wars and trade conflicts in the economic sphere. In fact, these effects too are very novel 

In terms of realpolitik implications, at least one thing is certain: the rise of neoconservatism represented by Trump’s emergence as the quintessential representative of neoconservatism that came with his election to the presidency. Donald Trump’s rise to power, including Britain’s “Brexit,” contain features common to neoconservatism worldwide. For example, after Trump came to power as a conservative Republican candidate, many Western scholars consider him a populist, which is very strange – it is difficult to integrate conservatism and populism, but in Trump’s case it is not inconsistent. Of course there is some debate here. I have always believed that Trump’s thinking has strong populist overtones, but Professor Cong Riyun of China University of Political Science and Law does not see Donald Trump as a populist but instead considers him a conservative. I believes that Trump has both populist claims and conservative characteristics. This hybridization has produced a new breed of neoconservatism, which some people call “Trumpism”. But if categorized, this should belong to the content of neoconservatism. It is generally accepted that conservatism and populism seem to be incompatible. But “Trumpism” has magically brought these two ideologies together, bringing a new color to conservatism.

First, let’s sort out the ideological origins of the conservative trend and the development of neoconservatism. Conservatism is a very important political trend. There are three contemporary Western political trends-liberalism, conservatism, and democratic socialism. Conservatism has a long history and is integrated, not only with political and policy ideas, but also, these ideas have a clear ideological system as their foundation, maintaining coherence and integrity. After the Second World War, conservatism even had some overlap with liberalism, such as neoliberalism, represented by Friedrick Hayek, Robert Nozick and others in the field of ideas; in the field of politics, represented by Ronald Reagan, Margaret Thatcher and others. Some people think this is neo-conservatism, some people think it is neoliberalism, the author believes that this is actually conservatism.

For conservatism, there are some classic judgments, such as tax cuts. During the time of President George W. Bush, that is, he cut taxes, and Donald Trump is also to cut taxes, this is certainly the most typical feature of conservatism, and it is the most classic, if not cut taxes, we will doubt whether this is conservatism. In addition, there are also some characteristics, such as the promotion of morality, religion, etc. Conservatism has been like this since the day it was created, and traditionally it has been like this. When George W. Bush took office, he even made some statements that were critical of the “political correctness” that was popular in the United States at the time. In his view, political correctness had good intentions, but later it went to the extreme and went astray, becoming a new kind of suppression of freedom. Such a statement was very brave at the time. It is not easy to criticize political correctness. What a man dares to defend with his own future and destiny must be the thing he holds most dear. George W. Bush dared to do so because he was conservative at heart.

Some people say that American neoconservatism started in 2008. The author believes that American neoconservatism started at least from the time of President George W. Bush and can even go back further. Later we found a change, Obama came to power, surprisingly, the Democratic Party  was able to finally achieve what had escaped them for so many years — health care reform — even known as “Obamacare”.  That became Obama’s most important political achievement. In addition, Obama’s health care reform is anti-conservative in terms of taxation and government intervention in society.  Another important aspect to Obama was promoting cultural pluralism. This was actually a kind of “reaction” to President George W. Bush and shows that the power of neoconservatism was not strong enough to unify the United States, and that the power of cultural pluralism still dominates.

Since Trump took office, there have been some new signs, and these new signs constitute a very important window into American political thought. Presidents Donald Trump and George W. Bush have many similar policies, such as tax cuts. Looking at this, one might say that Trump is conservative. The point is, Trump had many idiosyncratic and unconventional policies during his four years in office.   Surprisingly, American conservatives have approved them.  In my opinion, these deviations are neoconservatism. Strangely enough, many people say Trump is deviant but deny that Trump is neoconservative, which is actually contradictory. It is said that the Republican Party of the United States was going to have a party platform at its convention, and after discussing it, it finally proposed Trumpism as the platform of the Republican Party. Putting aside the final outcome of this matter, this matter alone shows the change in the conservative movement, and the claim that Trump is neoconservative is valid.

Next we look at the values of conservatism. Economically, the Trump administration prefers trade protection, anti-globalization, putting America first, and even “withdrawal” and immigration restrictions. These political and policy ideas became clearer in the Trump era. Prior to this, even Republican presidents did not openly oppose globalization, “backing out” and restricting immigration, and generally traditional conservatism did not do these things. Trump clearly put forward America First, in fact, the basic idea of conservatism continues to turn to the right. Trade protection policies such as the Americans proposed, or to engage in a “trade war”, this is indeed a signal, and is a very strong signal.

The United States has also taken a stance against globalization, Trump has also called for “withdrawal”, this is a position, when one compares it with previous U.S. administrations,  seems incredible. These positions, including America First, are worth reflecting upon. The average American citizen has a strong sense of cosmopolitanism, believing that I am an American citizen but a global citizen as well. And now, the reverse globalization, inspired by Trump, has even become a trend, an assertion that Trump not only helped him achieve the presidency, but also received the highest number of votes of a president defeated for re-election in his second presidential campaign. This really shows that the ideology of Americans is shifting to the right, which is the mass base of neoconservatism.

In politics, conservatism generally advocates elitism and the “establishment” — this is the most classic claim of conservatism. In a democracy, it is said that the people come to vote, but in fact the world is ruled by elites, and elitism is the main characteristic of conservatism. But there is a surprising amount of anti-elitism in Trump’s words and actions. He blames politicians, an act that is also found in traditional American conservatism, but not many blame politicians and oppose elites as Trump has done. This has even become a major reason to identify Trump as a populist. Here, the combination of elitist conservatism and anti-elite populism is truly mind-boggling. One of the main reasons why conservatism is called conservatism is to preserve the current regime and the existing political order, emphasizing that political development should not be radical, but should be a gradual evolution, a reform, rather than a radical revolution. Trump’s theory is surprisingly mixed with a lot of anti-establishment stuff, which constitutes a very interesting phenomenon of neoconservatism.

The most incredible thing is nationalism. During the years 2016-2021, some scholars in the U.S. have put forward a number of nationalist ideas and propositions, which some call neo-nationalism, nothing more than restoring the great tradition of American nationalism.  As we all know, Americans are not very strongly nationalistic and populism is not really very strong, just for a while in between. But now, nationalism is being brought up again and considered a very important rallying cry to revitalize America and has become the basis of American political legitimacy. It is also strange that America First in economic terms is to give priority to American interests, American citizens’ employment, American infrastructure, American social development, and politically to emphasize that American interests must have priority in politics and to emphasize revitalizing the American national spirit and revitalizing America with the national spirit. This is very strange and clashed dramatically with what existed before.

In terms of cultural themes, neoconservatism also makes some claims, emphasizing morality, religion, gender, sexual orientation, race, immigration, and so on. There are some elements that are traditional, such as moral conservatism or moral absolutism, which is typical of conservatism. This is how it has been historically, the American Republican Party, under George W. Bush emphasized the family, including morality, and religion, for example, emphasized the restoration of Christianity, and even a portion of the extreme right wing emphasized fundamentalist Christianity. This is also the case in the United States to this day, where Americans, compared with other Western countries,  have the strongest religious beliefs and a larger percentage of the population is religious. This traditional conservatism has some new claims in the new conditions. For example, religious people with Christian beliefs will explicitly oppose homosexuality and abortion.

In the United States, there is a polarization between those who are pro-abortion and those who are anti-abortion. Beyond that, Americans have developed a politically correct discourse on issues like gender, sexual orientation, and race that is not to be disputed. There are reasons for this political correctness  and certainly some problems that come with it.  But after the rise of neoconservatism,  conservative positions on gender issues, especially sexual orientation, have become very clear: it was clearly opposed. And there was a manifesto issued in which hundreds of religious people explicitly opposed abortion and homosexuality.

The main resistance to the original and growing cultural pluralism was the rise of cultural conservatism. After the rise of cultural conservatism, there was a tendency to want to apply the brakes to the original trend towards greater cultural pluralism, which they believed went too fast and too far, leading to a new authoritarianism, and cultural conservatism is an important element of neoconservatism. Other views, such as racism or the rekindling from its embers of alternative forms of racism still have a great impact on the United States, including on issues surrounding immigration. There are both economic and political reasons for views on immigration, as well as cultural reasons. The United States opposes immigration for economic reasons – immigrants take jobs from native whites – and cultural reasons – immigrants and natives are not a good cultural fit.

There is somehow a pernicious element within neoconservatism that pulls down the moral bottom line when it comes to race. There is a group of people in the United States who believe that there is a difference between races, and the end result of their belief in those differences is their stance for white supremacy. In their view, white people are biologically superior to black people in the sense of intelligence, intellect, morality, and emotion, and this white supremacy leads to racism in terms of national identity. In the view of these neoconservatives, the United States as a nation should be a white nation and be of and for white people for it to be truly meaningful. This view still has a fairly strong impact on American politics.

Conservative values directly influence conservative policies. Between the idea and the policy, which constitutes a process of continuous development and evolution of the ideological system, from idea to policy in the process of implementation. Through policy these ideas have a very direct influence. Let’s look at several consequences of the rise of neoconservatism.

  1. Trade conflict, which is very typical of the U.S.-China trade conflict and is bad for both China and the United States.
  2. Political polarization, the formation of a very serious political polarization in the United States, such as between the two parties, increasingly powerful, the further development of the U.S. government does not look particularly good.
  3. Culture war. Culture wars have a long history in the United States. Cultural pluralism continues to develop, and the United States is more inclined to cultural pluralism; after the rise of neoconservatism, and cultural pluralism and cultural conservatism came to be polar opposites.  This coupled with political polarization and economic trade conflicts, means that neoconservatism has troubling consequences.  We will have to wait and see if the United States will be able to cope with these problems.  
  4. Reverse globalization. After the Second World War, the United States has always been at the forefront of the promotion of globalization and among its greatest beneficiaries. Now, however, the United States wants to pull back from globalization.

To sum up, we can conclude that in the United States, a new change has come to conservatism as it has been transformed into what we call neoconservatism. In addition to continuing to adhere to traditional conservative claims about morality and religion, new features of nationalism, localism, racism, populism, and cultural conservatism have emerged in the conceptualization of neoconservatism. These concepts have been externalized into a number of political and policy claims, such as the promotion of WASP (White Anglo-Saxon Protestant) culture, reverse globalization, and America First claims. The consequences of neoconservatism are trade conflict, political polarization, and culture war, which is the trinity of values, ideas, and propositions of contemporary American neoconservative political thinking.

This article was published in World Politics Research 《世界政治研究》

Published: May 04, 2022

Author Tong Dezhi 佟德志

Tong Dezhi, a native of Chaoyang, Liaoning, graduated from Tianjin Normal University in 2003 with a J.D. degree under the supervision of Mr. Xu Datong.

He is currently the Vice President of Tianjin Normal University. [1]

  Since 2000, Tong Dezhi has presided over and participated in the completion of many national, provincial and ministerial level research and teaching projects. He has led and completed the National Social Science Foundation project “Constitutional Democracy and the Inner Conflict of Western Political Civilization”, the post-grant project of the Ministry of Education “Research on Comparative Political Culture”, the Tianjin Social Science Foundation project “Comparative Study of Western Political Civilization”, the Postdoctoral Research Fund project, the Tianjin Municipal Education Commission Social Science Foundation project, the Tianjin Normal University Talent He has been involved in many projects such as the Postdoctoral Research Fund Project, the Tianjin Municipal Education Commission Social Science Fund Project, and the Tianjin Normal University Talent Promotion Program. In addition to these projects, he has also participated in the National Hundred Excellent Doctoral Dissertations Project, the National Social Science Foundation Major Project, and the Marxist Theory Project and Construction Project. In terms of teaching projects, he has participated in one national quality course, one Tianjin quality course, and one Tianjin Normal University quality course, and hosted the completion of the Tianjin continuing education network course “Theory and Practice of Political Civilization” and the Tianjin Normal University bilingual teaching project.

2 Appointment and dismissal information editor
On January 12, 2018, Tong Dezhi was elected as a member of the 14th Tianjin Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), adopted at the 24th meeting of the Standing Committee of the 13th Tianjin Committee of the CPPCC. [2]

On March 25, 2022, the Tianjin Municipal People’s Government announced that Tong Dezhi was appointed Vice President of Tianjin Normal University. [1]

Research Achievements

  In terms of scientific research achievements, since 2003,Tong Dezhi has published two individual monographs in People’s Publishing House, including Between Democracy and the Rule of Law and The Dilemma and Trend of Modern Western Democracy, and has co-edited two monographs. He has translated 8 translations, including The Democratic Critique of the American Constitution, Constitutionalism and Democracy, and Democracy and its Critics, and published more than 70 papers in journals such as Political Science Research and Chinese Administration. Among them, more than 30 are core journals, 5 are discipline-level journals, and many papers have been reprinted and cited in ISTP, ISSHP, CSSCI, and NPC Press Reprint Materials “Political Science” and “Jurisprudence”.


  Tong Dezhi has systematically undertaken the undergraduate and graduate courses of “Principles of Political Science”, “History of Western Political Thought”, “Contemporary Western Political Thought”, etc. He has participated in the preparation of three textbooks. He has also carried out a series of teaching reforms in the course of teaching practice. In terms of teaching materials, he participated in the completion of “Modern Western Political Thought” of the Ministry of Education (MOE), “History of Chinese and Foreign Political Thought” of the MOE’s pilot textbook for talent training reform and open education, and “Public Administration in the 21st Century” of the series of textbooks. I have written three textbooks, including “Public Administration”, totaling more than 200,000 words. I have also carried out multimedia courses, online courses, bilingual courses and other teaching reforms.

Research projects underway

Tong Dezhi
  1 2006-2008, “Constitutional Democracy and the Inner Contradictions of Western Political Civilization”, National Social Science Foundation Project, 70,000, presided over, completed, acceptance process, nomination award of 100 excellent doctoral dissertations of the Ministry of Education, part of the results won the third prize of the Excellent Achievement Award of Humanities and Social Sciences of the Ministry of Education, excellent doctoral dissertation of Tianjin. 06CZZ001.

  2 2008-2009, “Research on Comparative Political Culture”, late funded project of Humanities and Social Sciences, Ministry of Education, 50,000, presided over, in process.

  3 2005-2007, “Constitutional Democracy and the Intrinsic Contradictions of Western Political Civilization”, First-class grant of the Postdoctoral Science Foundation of the Ministry of Personnel, 50,000, presided over, in progress, Outstanding Postdoctoral Fellowship of Peking University.

  4 2005-2007, “The Dualistic Personality of Western Political Civilization”, Academic Innovation Promotion Program of Tianjin Normal University, 30,000 Yuan, presided over, closed.


Tong Dezhi’s scientific research and teaching achievements have won many national, provincial and ministerial awards. His doctoral dissertation, Conflict and Equilibrium of Democracy and Rule of Law – The Evolution of Modern Western Political Civilization and Its Structure, was nominated for the 2005 National 100 Outstanding Doctoral Dissertations and the 2005 Tianjin Outstanding Doctoral Dissertation. The applicant also won the Third Prize of Outstanding Achievements in Humanities and Social Sciences in Chinese Universities in 2006 and the Third Prize of Outstanding Achievements in Social Sciences in the Eighth Session of Tianjin Municipality in 2002. As a participant, he also won the Second Prize of Excellent Achievements in Social Sciences in Tianjin once and the Third Prize once. In terms of teaching, I was awarded the third prize in the “Basic Teaching Skills Competition for Young Teachers” for the lesson “Western Political Culture Tradition” taught in English, and the lesson “Modern Western Political Thought” was awarded the third prize in the Tianjin Young Teachers’ Basic Skills Competition. I won the second prize in the Tianjin Young Teachers’ Basic Skills Competition. In addition, I also won awards for multimedia courseware production and course information construction.

Academic work of Tong Dezhi
  1. “Analysis of Information Processes in E-Government” (completed separately), the second prize in the paper category of the Tianjin Administrative Society’s Administrative Paper Competition (2001), which won the third prize of the Eighth Tianjin Social Science Excellent Achievement Award. (2002)

  2. “Conflict and Equilibrium of Democracy and Rule of Law – Evolution and Structure of Modern Western Political Civilization”, Outstanding Doctoral Dissertation of Tianjin; Nominated for one of the 100 Outstanding Doctoral Dissertations in China.

  3. Conflict and Equilibrium of Democracy and Rule of Law – The Evolution of Modern Western Political Civilization, Third Prize of the Fourth Outstanding Social Science Achievement Award of Chinese Universities

  4. History of Western Political Thought (Volume III), Second Prize of the Tenth Tianjin Outstanding Achievements in Social Science.

  5. Contemporary Western Liberalism, China Social Science Press, 2005 Edition, Third Prize of the Tenth Tianjin Outstanding Achievements in Social Science.

  6. Excellent Postdoctoral Fellowship, Peking University, 2008.

Tong Dezhi Publications

Tong Dezhi
  Modern Western Political Thought, People’s Publishing House, 2003 edition, co-editor, about 40,000 words.

  The History of Chinese and Foreign Political Thought, Central Radio and Television University Press, 2004 edition, co-editor, about 100,000 words.

  Contemporary Western Liberalism, Beijing: China Social Science Press, 2004 edition, co-editor, about 100,000 words.

  History of Western Political Thought (Volume III), 70,000 words, Tianjin People’s Publishing House, 2005 edition

  History of Western Political Thought (Vol. IV), 100,000 words, Tianjin People’s Publishing House, 2005.

  Public Administration, co-editor, 40,000 words, Tianjin University Press, 2005 edition.

  Between Democracy and Rule of Law – The Inner Contradictions of Western Political Civilization, People’s Publishing House, 2006.

  The Dilemma of Modern Western Democracy and Its Way Out”, People’s Publishing House, 2008.

  Introduction to Comparative Political Culture-Theoretical Reflections on Democratic Diversity, Higher Education Publishing House, 2010 edition.

8 Some of the translated works edited by
Tong Dezhi
Tong Dezhi
  Le Bon: The Psychology of Revolution, Changchun: Jilin People’s Publishing House, 2004 ed. (Co-translated by two persons, first translator, 130,000 words.)

  Ortega: The Rebellion of the Masses, Changchun: Jilin People’s Publishing House, 2004 edition. (Co-translated by two persons, second translator, 100,000 words.)

  Galston: Liberal Pluralism, Nanjing: Jiangsu People’s Publishing House, 2005 edition (two-person translation, first translator, 100,000 words)

  Dahl, Democracy and Its Critics, Changchun: Jilin People’s Publishing House, 2006 edition. 100,000 words, co-translator.

  Dahl, A Democratic Critique of American Constitutionalism, Beijing: Oriental Publishing House, 2007 edition. 150,000 words, sole translator.

  Compiled and translated: Constitutionalism and Democracy, Jiangsu People’s Publishing House, 2007 edition. 200,000 words.

9Thesis Catalogue Editor
Tong Dezhi
Tong Dezhi
  1. “From “Management” to “Governance”: The Positioning of Government Functions in the Information Age”, Shanxi Normal University Journal, No. 1, 2005. New Thought, NPC Reprographic Materials, No. 3, 2005.

  2. “Rule of Law and Democracy”, Literature, History and Philosophy, No. 2, 2005.

  3. “Old and New Individualism,” Journal of Suzhou Institute of Science and Technology, No. 4, 2004. NPC Press Reprint, Political Science, No. 2.

  4. “Old and New Liberalism – Dewey and the Theoretical Transformation of Liberalism”, Zhejiang Journal, No. 5, 2005.

  5. “Democratic Failure and Rule of Law Regulation – A Brief Analysis of the Structural Logic of Western Constitutional Democratic Theory,” Jianghan Forum, No. 5, 2005.

  6. “Rousseau’s Proposition and the Logical Dilemma of Western Constitutional Democratic Theory,” Political Science Research, No. 2, 2005.

  7. “The Inner Dilemma and Outer Embarrassment of Western Universalism”, Studies in Political Science, No. 3, 2005.

  8. “An Overview of Political Science Research in Tianjin”, Tianjin Social Science Yearbook, Tianjin People’s Publishing House, 2005.

  9. Between Political Democracy and Economic Democracy, Essays on Chinese and Western Political Culture, Tianjin People’s Publishing House, 2005.

  10. “Rethinking the State”, A Series of Chinese and Western Political Culture, Tianjin People’s Publishing House, 2005.

  11. “The American model of power-limited constitution and its democratic dilemma,” Battle Line of Ideas, No. 3, 2006.

  12. “Liberal Pluralism,” Zhejiang Journal, No. 3, 2006.

  13. “The Reconciliation and Co-Tolerance of Constitutionalism and Democracy,” Shanxi Teachers’ University Journal, No. 4, 2006.

  14. “E-Government and Comprehensive Innovation of Government Management,” E-Government, No. 8, 2006. The paper won the second prize of the essay of the first China E-government Development Forum.

  15. “Political Cognition of College Students and the Mode Choice of Political Education”, Teaching Reform and Innovation, Tianjin Academy of Social Sciences Press, 2005.

  16. “Cultural Globalization and International Political Socialization”, Journal of the Tianjin Party School of the CPC, No. 2, 2006.

  17. “Rethinking the State,” Chinese and Western Political Culture Series, 2006, Tianjin People’s Publishing House.

  18. “Between Political Democracy and Economic Democracy,” Chinese and Western Political Culture Series, 2006, Tianjin People’s Publishing House.

  19. “Critique and Reconstruction of Democratic Theory,” in Dahl, Democracy and its Critics, Jilin People’s Publishing House, 2006.

  20. “Review of the Beijing Consensus Conference,” in Yu Keping, ed.

  21. “Is it Individualism, or Individual Independence? In Journal of Suzhou Institute of Science and Technology, No. 3, 2007. 22.

  22. “Cultural Identity in the Context of Globalization,” People’s Forum, No. 12, 2007.

  23. “Chinese Democracy with Mixed Reviews Overseas”, People’s Forum, No. 10, 2007.

  24. “Constitutional Democracy and the Dualistic Individuality of American Political Civilization,” in Tong Dezhi, ed.

  25. “Democratic Failure and Rule of Law Regulation: The Inner Logic of Western Constitutional Democratic Theory,” in Tong Dezhi, ed.

  26. “The Basic Structure of Dewey’s Neoliberal Political Philosophy”, in Tianjin Shi University Journal of Social Sciences, No. 3, 2007.

  27. “Rule of Law and Democracy: A Discussion on the Direction of Political System Reform in Recent Years in Chinese Academia,” Theory and Reform, No. 3, 2007.

  28. Innovation Effect of Electronic Government, Proceedings of 2007 International Conference on Public Administration (3rd), UESTC Press, 2007.

  29. “Two Dimensions of China’s Democratization Model,” Theory and Reform, No. 5, 2007.

  30. “A Brief Discussion on the Relationship between Intra-party Democracy and People’s Democracy”, Scientific Development – People-oriented – Building Harmony, Tianjin: Tianjin People’s Publishing House, 2007.

  31. “An Overview of Political Science Research”, Tianjin Social Science Yearbook, 2007 ed.

  32. “The Contemporary Possibilities of Marx’s Theory of the State”, in Essays on Chinese and Western Political Culture, 2007, Tianjin People’s Publishing House.

  33. “The Ecological Interpretation of Political Phenomena”, in A Series of Chinese and Western Political Culture, 2007, Tianjin People’s Publishing House.

  34. “The Compound Institutionalization of Rights and its Inner Tension”, in Tianjin Social Science, No. 2, 2008.

  35. “The Critique of Athenian Democracy by Traditional Political Philosophy”, Front of Thought, No. 2, 2008.

  36. “The Tyranny of Democracy,” Zhejiang Journal, No. 3, 2008.

  37. “The Synergy Effect of China’s Democratic Political Development from the Perspective of Party Democracy and Villager Autonomy”, Political Science Research, No. 4, 2008.

  38. “The Construction of Service-oriented Government Based on E-Government: Model and Integration,” Chinese Administration, No. 9, 2008.

  39. “Assessment of the Political Culture of Farmers in Less Developed Western Regions: A Study of Xinhe Village in Shandan County, Gansu Province as a Case Study”, Journal of Gansu Administrative College, No. 4, 2008.

  40. “Between Constitutionalism and Democracy: An Analysis of the Dualistic Individuality of American Constitutionalism from the 2000 Election,” Journal of the Academy of Sciences, No. 9, 2008.

1 .
Tianjin appointed and dismissed a number of cadres sweep code to read the mobile version

Beifang.com [cited 2022-04-23]
2 .
CPPCC Tianjin 14th Committee members list announced, a total of 695 people

Surfing News 2018-01-22 [cited 2018-01-22] 澎湃新闻 2018-01-22 [引用日期2018-01-22]

作者:佟德志 来源:国政学人




















发布时间:2022年05月04日 来源时间:2022年05月04日



佟德志  2000年以来,主持和参与完成多项国家、省部级科研及教学项目。先后主持完成国家社科基金项目《宪政民主与西方政治文明的内在冲突》、教育部后期资助项目《比较政治文化研究》、天津市社科基金项目“西方政治文明比较研究”以及博士后科研基金项目、天津市教委社科基金项目、天津师范大学人才推进计划项目等多项。除此而外,还参与全国百篇优秀博士学位论文项目、国家社科基金重大项目、马克思主义理论工程与建设工程项目等重要项目。在教学项目方面,先后参加完成国家级精品课一项、天津市精品课一项、天津师范大学精品课一项,主持完成天津市继续教育网络课程《政治文明的理论与实践》项目以及天津师范大学双语教学项目。







佟德志  在科研成果方面,自2003年以来,在人民出版社出版《在民主与法治之间》、《现代西方民主的困境与趋势》等个人专著2部,参编专著2部。翻译《美国宪法的民主批判》、《宪政与民主》、《民主及其批评者》等译作8部,在《政治学研究》、《中国行政管理》等杂志发表论文70多篇。其中,核心期刊30多篇,学科级刊物5篇,多篇论文为ISTP、ISSHP、CSSCI以及人大报刊复印资料《政治学》、《法理学》等刊物转载和转引。



佟德志  在教学方面,系统承担了“政治学原理”、“西方政治思想史”、“当代西方政治思潮”等本科及研究生课程,参加完成编写教材3部,并在教学实践过程中进行了系列教学改革。在教材方面,参与完成教育部“面向21世纪课程教材”《现代西方政治思想》、“教育部人才培养改革和开放教育试点教材”《中外政治思想史》、21世纪公共行政学系列教材《公共行政学》等三部教材,总计20多万字。本人还进行过多媒体课程、网络课程、双语课程等教学改革。



佟德志  1 2006-2008,《宪政民主与西方政治文明的内在矛盾》,国家社会科学基金项目,7万,主持,已经完成,验收过程中,教育部百篇优秀博士论文提名奖,部分成果获教育部人文社会科学优秀成果奖三等奖,天津市优秀博士学位论文。06CZZ001。

  2 2008-2009,《比较政治文化研究》,教育部人文社会科学后期资助项目,5万,主持,正在进行过程中。

  3 2005-2007,《宪政民主与西方政治文明的内在矛盾》,人事部博士后科学基金一等资助,5万,主持,已经结项,北京大学优秀博士后。

  4 2005-2007,《西方政治文明的二元个性》,天津师范大学学术创新推进计划,3万元,主持,结项。




佟德志  科研和教学成果多次获得国家、省部级奖励。博士论文《民主与法治的冲突与均衡——近代西方政治文明的演进及其结构》获2005年全国百篇优秀博士学位论文提名,2005年天津市优秀博士学位论文。申请人还于2006年获中国高校人文社会科学优秀成果三等奖,2002年获天津市第八届社会科学优秀成果三等奖。作为参加人,还获得过天津市社会科学优秀成果二等奖一次,三等奖一次。在教学方面,本人以英语讲授的“西方政治文化传统”一课被评为“青年教师教学基本功大赛”三等奖,“现代西方政治思想”一课获天津市青年教师基本功竞赛二等奖。另外,本人还获得多媒体课件制作、课程信息化建设等奖项。


佟德志  1.《电子政府的信息过程分析》(单独完成),天津市行政学会行政学论文评选论文类二等奖(2001),该文获得天津市第八届社会科学优秀成果奖三等奖。(2002)








佟德志  《现代西方政治思想》,人民出版社,2003年版,参编,约4万字;











佟德志  勒庞:《革命心理学》,长春:吉林人民出版社,2004年版。(二人合译,第一译者,13万字。)









佟德志  1. 《从“管理”到“治理”——面向信息时代的政府职能定位》,《山西师大学报》,2005年第1期。被人大复印资料《新思路》2005年第3期摘编;

  2. 《法治民主》,《文史哲》,2005年第2期;

  3. 《新旧个人主义》,《苏州科技学院学报》,2004年第4期。人大报刊复印资料,《政治学》,第2期;

  4. 《新旧自由主义—杜威与自由主义的理论转型》,《浙江学刊》,2005年第5期。

  5. 《民主失败与法治规制——西方宪政民主理论的结构逻辑简析》,《江汉论坛》,2005年第5期。

  6. 《卢梭命题与西方宪政民主理论的逻辑困境》,《政治学研究》,2005年第2期。

  7. 《西方普遍主义的内在困境与外在尴尬》,《政治学研究》,2005年第3期。

  8. 《天津市政治学研究综述》,《天津社会科学年鉴》,天津人民出版社,2005年版。

  9. 《政治民主与经济民主之间》,《中西政治文化论丛》,天津人民出版社,2005年版。

  10. 《重新思考国家》,《中西政治文化论丛》,天津人民出版社,2005年版。


  11. 《美国的限权宪法模式及其民主性困境》,《思想战线》,2006年第3期。

  12. 《自由多元主义》,《浙江学刊》,2006年第3期。

  13. 《宪政与民主的调和与共容》,《山西师大学报》,2006年第4期。

  14. 《电子政务与政府管理的综合创新》,《电子政务》,2006年第8期。该文获首届中国电子政务发展论坛征文二等奖。

  15. 《大学生政治认知与政治教育的模式选择》,《教学改革与创新》,天津社会科学院出版社,2005年版。

  16. 《文化全球化与国际政治社会化》,《中共天津市委党校学报》,2006年第2期。

  17. 《重新思考国家》,《中西政治文化论丛》,2006年,天津人民出版社。

  18. 《政治民主与经济民主之间》,《中西政治文化论丛》,2006年,天津人民出版社。

  19. 《民主理论的批判与重建》,载达尔:《民主及其批评者》,吉林人民出版社,2006年版。

  20. 《北京共识会议的评论》,载俞可平等主编:《中国模式与“北京共识”》,社会科学文献出版社,2006年版。


  21. 《是个人主义,还是个体独立?》,载《苏州科技学院学报》,2007年第3期。

  22. 《全球化背景下的文化认同》,人民论坛,2007年第12期。

  23. 《海外褒贬不一的中国式民主》,人民论坛,2007年第10期。

  24. 《宪政民主与美国政治文明的二元个性》,载佟德志主编:《宪政与民主》,江苏人民出版社,2007年版。

  25. 《民主失败与法治规制—西方宪政民主理论的内在逻辑》,载佟德志主编:《宪政与民主》,江苏人民出版社,2007年版。

  26. 《杜威新自由主义政治哲学的基本架构》,《天津师大学报社会科学版》,2007年第3期。

  27. 《法治民主—近年来中国学术界关于政治体制改革方向的探讨》,载《理论与改革》,2007年第3期。

  28. Innovation Effect of Electronic Government, Proceedings of 2007 International Conference on Public Administration (3rd), UESTC Press, 2007.

  29. 《中国民主化模式的两个维度》,《理论与改革》,2007年第5期。

  30. 《略论党内民主与人民民主的关系》,《科学发展·以人为本·共建和谐》,天津:天津人民出版社,2007年版。

  31. 《政治学研究综述》,《天津社会科学年鉴》,2007年版。

  32. 《马克思国家理论的当代可能性》,载《中西政治文化论丛》,2007年,天津人民出版社。

  33. 《政治现象的生态解读》,载《中西政治文化论丛》,2007年,天津人民出版社。


  34. 《权利的复合制度化及其内在紧张》,载《天津社会科学》,2008年第2期;

  35. 《传统政治哲学对雅典民主的批判》,《思想战线》,2008年第2期;

  36. 《民主的暴政》,《浙江学刊》,2008年第3期。

  37. 《从党内民主和村民自治看中国民主政治发展的合力效应》,《政治学研究》,2008年第4期;

  38. 《基于电子政务的服务型政府建设:模式与整合》,《中国行政管理》,2008年第9期。

  39. 《西部欠发达地区农民的政治文化评估——以甘肃省山丹县新河村为个案的研究》,《甘肃行政学院学报》,2008年第4期。

  40. 《在宪政与民主之间——从2000年大选透析美国宪政的二元个性》,《学海》,2008年第9期。


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北方网 [引用日期2022-04-23]

2 .


澎湃新闻 2018-01-22 [引用日期2018-01-22]

About 高大伟 David Cowhig

After retirement translated, with wife Jessie, Liao Yiwu's 2019 "Bullets and Opium", and have been studying things 格物致知. Worked 25 years as a US State Department Foreign Service Officer including ten years at US Embassy Beijing and US Consulate General Chengdu and four years as a China Analyst in the Bureau of Intelligence and Research. Before State I translated Japanese and Chinese scientific and technical books and articles into English freelance for six years. Before that I taught English at Tunghai University in Taiwan for three years. And before that I worked two summers on Norwegian farms, milking cows and feeding chickens.
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